Українська національна ідея: реалії та перспективи розвитку. – 2015. – Випуск №27

Permanent URI for this collectionhttps://ena.lpnu.ua/handle/ntb/28328

Збірник наукових праць

У збірнику наукових праць розглянуто різні аспекти суспільно-політичного розвитку України, особливості вітчизняного та зарубіжного державотворчого процесу, основні тенденції розвитку міжнародних відносин і зовнішньої політики країн світу. Для державних, політичних, громадських діячів, науковців та студентів.

Українська національна ідея: реалії та перспективи розвитку : збірник наукових праць / Міністерство освіти і науки України, Національний університет "Львівська політехніка", Національна академія наук України, Інститут народознавства, Інститут українознавства імені Івана Крип’якевича. – Львів : Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2015. – Випуск 27. – 168 с.

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Варіативність дефініювання терміна «імперія» у науковому дискурсі
(Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2015) Кукарцев, Олег
Досліджено смислові значення поняття «імперія» в сучасному науковому дискурсі, зокрема в теорії та методології політичної науки. Головна увага приділена аналізу змістовних ознак поняття «імперія», які існують у суспільних науках, а також існуючим труднощам вироблення єдиного визначення імперії. The paper investigates the meanings of the term «empire» in the contemporary scientific discourse, particularly in the theory and methodology of political science. Special attention is paid to the analysis of the concept «empire» in social sciences as well as to some current difficulties in providing its exact definition. The author emphasises that the analysis of different concepts is one of the most topical issues in the scientific discourse in general and in the theory and methodology of political science in particular. Each knowledge system requires the precise meaning of terms, judgements and inferences. One of such concepts is the word «empire». It has been used in social and political sciences for two thousand years already but only in recent decades it became the subject of scientific investigations. In general, this research shows that the interest in the term «empire» is a relatively recent phenomenon in political science associated primarily with the attempts to describe and compare some empires or explain the features and dynamics of international relations of the past and the present. A great variety of definitions of the term «empire» is considered to be the main reason explaining the difficulties in providing a single definition of this concept. On the other hand, the problem is also caused by the insufficiency of the analytical tools of modern social science. There are fundamental divergences in the approaches, primarily due to the differences between the «generalising» and «individualising» methods. Historians, being supporters of the first method, speak about the impossibility of creating the unified theory in defining the term «empire». The regularities revealed in the investigation of pre-modern empires are not always acceptable in the study of modern empires. According to the author’s opinion, the joint efforts of historians, sociologists and political scientists can help to give the definition of the concept «empire».
Видова специфіка політичної мобілізації
(Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2015) Ямельницький, Олег
Розглянуто специфіку суспільно-політичної активності громадян за різних політичних режимів (тоталітарного, авторитарного, демократичного), яка досягається за допомогою різноманітних чинників мобілізації. Досліджено політичну мобілізацію у її негативному (авторитарна, вертикальна, примусова) та позитивному (змагальна, горизонтальна, демократична) контекстах. Наголошується на необхідності уникнення спрощеного однобокого трактування політичної мобілізації як однозначно негативної, а сучасну політичну ситуацію необхідно аналізувати крізь призму співіснування вертикальних і горизонтальних проявів мобілізації із зростанням переважання останньої. The paper examines the features of the social and political participation of citizens under different political regimes (totalitarian, authoritarian, democratic) that is achieved by means of various mobilisation factors. The author analyses the political mobilisation in its negative (authoritarian, vertical, forced) and positive (competitive, horizontal, democratic) contexts. He emphasises the necessity to avoid a simplistic one-sided interpretation of the political mobilisation as an unambiguously negative factor. In his view, the current political situation should be analysed in the light of the coexistence of vertical and horizontal mobilisation types with the increasing predominance of the latter one. It is proved that the totalitarian or rigidly authoritarian political regimes are characterised by a large-scale social and political mobilisation (authoritarian) that covers the whole social life system. This type of the mobilisation permeates the entire social life system and serves as a way of suppressing any individuality, autonomy and the person’s initiative. The competitive mobilisation type prevails under the democratic political regime. It involves a conscious citizen participation in social and political affairs enabling them to be free in their choice of political behaviour. The growth of the population percentage choosing an active strategy of being competitively mobilised leads to some structural changes in the political system and causes changes in public, social and political people’s viewpoints through the renunciation of the previous collectivist experience, the paternalistic expectations and the negative mobilisation. On the other hand, the author argues that this mobilisation type can also be a threat to the democratisation process and democratic consolidation.
Зміст до збірника "Українська національна ідея: реалії та перспективи розвитку", випуск 27
(Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2015)
Католицька Церква про джерела сучасної кризи цінностей
(Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2015) Волинець, Оксана
Проаналізовано точку зору Католицької Церкви на стан та витоки сучасної кризи універсальних цінностей у плюралістичних суспільствах Західної Європи. На основі системного підходу, структурно-функціонального методу та контент-аналізу досліджено негативний вплив матеріалістичного, утилітарного світогляду на розвиток соціально-політичної дійсності та проблему гарантування та дотримання прав людини та її гідності. This particular research analyses the Catholic Church’s position on the sources of modern universal value crisis in pluralistic societies. It has been analysed the recognition of threats to human rights, which are fraught with modern materialistic society based on the principles of utilitarianism and commercialism. They were made on the basis of a systematic approach, structural-functional analysis method and content analysis. Within this context, there was given the review of postulates in which Catholic Church gives its understanding of human rights and dignity. Exploring the observance of human values in modern society and their references, we have analysed nine aspects that are the sources of the present crisis of values. At the same time, they are causing crisis depression, which by itself calls into question the very concept of justice. We analyse the interdependence of secularization and greediness as its consequence. Also we discover the greed approach to the interpretation of the concept of universal values. It is noted that the transfer of the religious dimension of every single human being in the plane of individual choice and exclusion of religious principle of social life is not conducive to respect universal values. Meanwhile, it denies the importance of the religious factor in the formation of modern European societies. Exploring the origins of stress in modern Europe and threats to the preservation of peace, there was done the analysis of four principles of human society arising from the Catholic Church postulates which had been proposed by Pope Francis. Those can become a versatile tool to overcome the negative effects of the current crisis of values.
Наукові підходи до розуміння сутності поняття «політичний інститут»
(Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2015) Демчишак, Руслан
Досліджено сутність поняття «політичний інститут», його оцінку з позицій наукових концепцій «старого інституціоналізму» та неоінституціоналізму. З’ясовано напрями неоінституціоналізму, визначено зміст термінологічного словосполучення «політична інституціоналізація». In this article it has been investigated the concept of «political institution», its assessment from the scientific concepts of «old institutionalism» and neoinstytutsionalizm points of view. It has been used the following research methods: comparative and analytical methods, structural and system analysis. It has been established that, the most common interpretation of the term «institution» in the science is that one of an established norms in society or organization or institution. Among all the social spheres, institutional approach in politics is the most clearly manifested. It was found that representatives of the so-called «old institutionalism» paid their attention to the main institutions – the state, political parties, social and political organizations and branches of government, bureaucracy, etc. phenomenon. It has been identified the following branches of modern neoinstytutsionalizm: historical institutionalism, rational choice institutionalism, sociological (social) institutionalism, normative institutionalism, empirical institutionalism, international (international) institutionalism, and also it has been set its theorists – J. March, J. Olsen, D. North, G . Peters, R. Putnam, C. Shepsli, D. Knight, A. Leypharta. It has been established that for unifying all directions of neoinstytutsionalizm there exist the view on political institutions as fundamental factors of political life, the central component of the political system, the main factors of social transformations that have their own special interests, decisive impact on individual behavior, forming the interests of different social groups. It has been studied social functions of political institutions: to ensure continuity of social life, to control and maintain the order, to regulate the social processes, relationships between individuals, social integration and political socialization of individuals. The content of terminological phrases – political institutionalization.
Нова громадська дипломатія та особливості її реалізації у сучасних умовах
(Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2015) Сухорольська, Ірина
Розглянуто тенденції розвитку громадської/публічної дипломатії під впливом процесів глобалізації та поширення нових технологій. Досліджено коло учасників, технологічне та медіасередовище, методи, а також особливості практичної реалізації нової громадської дипломатії. На основі цього надано відповідні рекомендації для посилення позиції України в інформаційному протиборстві. Public diplomacy is an activity of an international actor aimed at communication with a foreign audience. In the 2000s it undergoes substantial transformations, primarily under the influence of globalisation and new technologies. The article attempts to highlight the features of the new public diplomacy. In particular, the author investigates the participants, the technological and media environment as well as the public diplomacy tools. It is concluded that the states remain the influential participants of the international communication but they have to compete with the non-governmental organisations which are more adaptive, expansive and networked. Besides, new technologies possess great potential for the public diplomacy development. However, their impact is sometimes unpredictable and the initiative can be taken over by the competitors. The author considers the distinctive methods of the new public diplomacy, namely relationship and network building, involving a wide range of domestic and foreign nongovernmental organisations, reinforcing the viral trends based on triggering events, combining technologies and instruments and using a reasonable individual approach. Other peculiarities of the new public diplomacy include its horizontal structure, convergence of external and internal audiences, combining strategic approach with the need for the instant reaction as well as a strong competition between state and non-state actors. The paper also focuses on applying the methods of the viral information dissemination in the international relations. On the basis of the studies of the internet-memes spreading, the recommendations for strengthening the Ukraine’s position in the information warfare with Russia are given. It is concluded that Ukraine needs the implementation of the new public diplomacy strategies involving the Russian audience and covering the issues of positive effects of democratic reforms in Ukraine.
Новітній пріоритет співпраці України та США: союзні відносини
(Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2015) Дорош, Леся
Розглянуто специфіку, передумови та наслідки надання Україні статусу «основного союзника США поза НАТО». Стверджено, що низькі шанси на отримання Україною плану набуття членства в НАТО остаточно не позбавляють нашу державу можливості налагодження тіснішої та активнішої військової співпраці зі США. Зіставлено переваги та недоліки союзних відносин у такому форматі. Доведена необхідність всебічного вивчення нового етапу розвитку систем колективної безпеки планети та нових векторів відносин України зі США, державами Західної Європи та Росією. The specifics, conditions and consequences of recognizing Ukraine «as the major USA Non-NATO Ally» is considered. It is stated that a little chance of getting by Ukraine a plan to be a member of NATO does not completely deprive our country the possibility of establishing more tight and active military cooperation with the United States of America. The advantages and disadvantages of allied relations in such a format are correlated. It has been found that the possibility for Ukraine to obtain the status of «major Non-NATO Ally» appeared, when there was brought into the draft the law № 2277 «Russian Aggression Prevention Act 2014» that foresaw the strengthening of cooperation within NATO, a new sanction against Russia, an extra help for Eastern Europe and supporting of Russian opposition. Its key point was to give Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia the official status of «major Non-NATO Ally». At the end of 2014, the president of USA B. Obama signed a bill that had been accepted by the US House of Representatives № H.R.5859 «To impose sanctions with respect to the Russian Federation, to provide additional assistance to Ukraine, and for other purpose» in which there was not any information about giving Ukraine status mentioned above, taking into account the fact that it is the prerogative of the administration of US President only. At the same time, the document emphasizes on the military support of Ukraine, including providing with the defensive weaponry and assistance in solving the energy issues. It has been stated about the lack of a single point of view among political and administrative elite of USA about allied status of Ukraine. In January 2015 the official status of Ukraine as a major Non-NATO Ally of the United States of America is not provided, however, it had been guaranteed a broad support for our country, especially in the military and energetics fields.
Організації національних та етнічних меншин у сучасному польському законодавстві
(Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2015) Шипка, Наталія
Проаналізовано політико-правовий аспект легітимації громадських організацій національних та етнічних меншин в Республіці Польща. Зазначено, що сформоване законодавче поле гарантує необхідні умови для створення та діяльності громадських організацій меншин, що задовольняють власні освітні, культурні, мовні та інші права. The paper discusses the political and legal legitimation aspects of public organizations of national and ethnic minorities in Poland. The author investigates the Polish legislation and the international law implementation concerning the establishment of these organizations and their activities. The current legislation ensures the necessary conditions for their existence to meet their educational, cultural, language and other rights. The organizations of national and ethnic minorities in Poland ensure an active dialogue between the state and the minorities. The research is based on the legislation and international agreements of the Republic of Poland from 1989 to 2008, covering legal aspects of the public organizations of the national and ethnic minorities. The research shows that individuals belonging to the national and ethnic minorities are members of the Joint Commission of the Government and National and Ethnic Minorities that is an advisory body to the Prime Minister. It is concluded that the political and legal status of the national and ethnic minorities in Poland corresponds to the internationally recognised fundamental human rights and freedoms. The analysis of the Polish legislation makes it possible to conclude that the right of the ethnic minorities to establish the organizations is not completely regulated and it is guaranteed as part of the universal human rights in numerous legal acts, international agreements and other legal documents.
Особливості дотримання демократичних принципів виборів під час позачергових президентських та парламентських виборів 2014 р. в Україні
(Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2015) Бучин, Микола
На основі аналізу звітів міжнародних та вітчизняних спостерігачів досліджуються основні проблеми та особливості позачергових президентських та парламентських виборів 2014 р. в Україні. З’ясовано рівень дотримання демократичних принципів виборів у вітчизняній електоральній практиці 2014 р. The article dwells upon main problems and characteristics of special presidential and parliamentary elections in Ukraine in 2014. The research is based on the reports of international and national observers. The main attention is paid to the following problems of national electoral practice in 2014: holding the election on the whole territory of Ukraine; compiling registry of voters; formation and activity of election commissions; nomination and registration of electoral subjects; pre-election campaigning; election transparency; problems during the voting process and vote counting. The emphasis is put on the fact that, despite tough conditions, the elections were an important step in an attempt of Ukrainian authorities to conduct elections in compliance with international democratic standards and ensure implementation of fundamental human rights and freedoms. Growth of adherence to democratic principles was enabled by different factors, among which the following ones are worth mentioning: substitution of political elite; the campaign towards reformation and democratization of political system; social and political situation in the country; growth of political consciousness and culture of the citizens as a result of the Revolution of Dignity. At the same time, the article highlights that certain problems and violations demand taking into account proposals of international and national experts which are directed towards democratization of electoral practices. The main attention should be paid to adaptation of electoral legislation and electoral practices to the reality of military conflict in the East of Ukraine and security issues for participants of the election process; increasing of election transparency; providing professional and efficient work of election commissions; adoption of the Electoral Code, etc.
Особливості зовнішньої політики урядового кабінету Народної партії Іспанії (2011–2014 рр.)
(Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2015) Матлай, Любава
З’ясовано, що на зовнішню політику урядового кабінету правоцентристської Народної партії Іспанії негативно вплинула світова економічна криза, яка значно звузила міжнародну діяльність парламентської монархії. Розглянуто економічну дипломатію як пріоритетну в діяльності зовнішньополітичного відомства. The paper analyses the main features of Spain’s foreign policy and geostrategic priorities. It discusses the role of the changes that took place in the Spanish government in 2011. The author underlines the need for modernising the international priorities. It is emphasised that the financial crisis has a significant impact on the Spanish foreign policy. The Spanish government, headed by Prime Minister M. Rajoy, has initiated numerous reforms in an attempt to deal with the crisis. Spain’s foreign policy traditionally focuses on the European Union (EU), the Mediterranean and Latin America. In Spain the EU is regarded as a guarantor of Spanish democracy and economic development. Supporting the EU initiatives, Spain pays more attention to the national interests. The Europeanisation of Spain has two dimensions: the capacity for pursuing the Brussels policy at the domestic level and the ability to use its national preferences in the EU decision-making process. Unlike the previous governments of J. M. Aznar (1996–2004) and J. L. Rodriguez Zapatero (2004–2011), the current administration of M. Rajoy fully recognises the pivotal value of the European foreign policy coordination. The position that Spain defends in the EU is to «coordinate, coordinate and coordinate again». The Mediterranean remains important for the country’s foreign relations. Spain plays a crucial role in Latin America and it is second (behind the USA) when it comes to foreign aid in the region. The USA and Spain have long-standing relationships based on shared interests and values both at the bilateral and multilateral levels. Spain committed itself to defending global security, democratic values and human rights within a multilateral framework. This country is an excellent partner at the multilateral level and it successfully cooperates with the United Nations (UN), the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and other institutions.
Особливості партнерства між Україною та Вишеградською групою у контексті сучасних геополітичних викликів
(Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2015) Турчин, Ярина
Проаналізовано особливості партнерства між Україною та Вишеградською групою на сучасному етапі розвитку міжнародної системи. Обґрунтовано потребу переосмислення функцій Вишеграду. Зроблено висновок про те, що Вишеградська четвірка попри наявність розбіжностей щодо українсько-російського конфлікту на офіційному рівні все ж підтримує позицію України, є зацікавленою у співпраці з Києвом з метою формування зони безпеки, стабільності та демократичного політичного режиму. The article analyses the features of the partnership between Ukraine and the Visegrad group at the current stage of the international system development. It is proved that both the transformational experience of the Central European countries and the search for allies, having a real influence on the intensification of the relations of Kyiv with Brussels and NATO, are of great importance for the Ukrainian community. The author substantiates the need for reconsidering the functions of the Visegrad Four, revealing the most favourable cooperation mechanisms with Ukraine under conditions of the reinforcement of separatist movements, terrorist organisations and Russian external aggression. The current conflict in eastern Ukraine shows that the Russian Federation totally ignores the international law and order and it is regarded as an impetus to a new stage of the Visegrad Four development. The settlement of the armed confrontation by means of the EU tools, the provision of the comprehensive support to Ukraine in the process of the European integration and strengthening its international image as a democratic European state are considered to be predominant. On the other hand, a successful implementation of the European foreign policy by Kyiv combined with effective internal reforms is an important precondition for the full realisation of the national interests by the Visegrad Four countries in the international arena. The paper concludes that the Visegrad Group supports Ukraine despite the existence of disagreements concerning the Ukrainian-Russian conflict at the official level and it is interested in cooperation with Kyiv to establish a security zone, stability and a democratic political regime.
Політико-комунікативні стратегії і практики взаємодії органів місцевого самоврядування України та Польщі
(Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2015) Гулай, Василь
Використовуючи широкий спектр загальнонаукових і спеціально наукових методів, основна увага звертається на комплексну характеристику явищ політичної комунікації в науково-теоретичному та прикладному аспектах. Доведена необхідність розроблення та впровадження стратегій інформаційно-комунікативної взаємодії органів місцевого самоврядування України і Польщі. The article focuses on the fact that the development of integration processes in Europe demonstrates the increasing influence of the regions on the activation of inter-state and interregional relations in general and that cooperation between different areas is gradually turning into the level of local government in particular. Author examines in details the understanding of the local governments of Ukraine and Poland in comparative terms. In particular, it has been examined the analysis of the main formation and development factors of fraternal cooperation between the Ukrainian and Polish cities. Using a wide range of general and special scientific methods the main focus is put on complex characteristic of phenomena of political communication in scientific-theoretical and political-applied aspects. Thus, the political communication finds its specific applied, including historical and territorial manifestation via the implementation of appropriate communication strategy as plan of optimal implementation of communicative intentions and communication tactics as a combination of techniques that contribute to the usage of appropriate communication tools aimed at implementing the chosen communication strategy. The necessity of developing and implementing of interinstitutional information and interactive communication strategies is proved, especially between the twin cities of Ukraine and Poland. According to the author, an implementation of branding strategies can play a significant role in the formation of an effective space of information and communication cooperation between Ukraine and Poland on a local level. Conclusions and recommendations from this abstract can be used in the process of conceptualizing and reforming of the local government in Ukraine; implementing the policy of the President of Ukraine P. Poroshenko on decentralization and deregulation of national and regional governance in general.
Політична міфотворчість як технологія впливу на суспільну свідомість
(Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2015) Денисюк, Світлана
Проаналізована сутність політичних міфів, їх структура та функції. Охарактеризовано особливості міфологічної свідомості як живильної основи для впровадження технологічних міфів. Визначено політичну міфотворчість як ефективну технологію, яку використовують сучасні українські політики для отримання влади і яка виконує деструктивну роль. The article analyzes the essence of political myths. They are considered to be a simplified model of the political sphere perception that does not involve a critical understanding of reality. The author describes the structural components of political myths (value, cognitive, social, emotional and evaluative and symbolic) and their basic functions. The peculiarities of mythological consciousness are characterised as a field for technological myths introduction . The author defines the modern political myths in Ukrainian society, they are «the image of the hero», «enemy image», «moral politician», «European integration», «NATO membership», «freedom of speech», «Eastern Slavic fraternal peoples». The political myth making is analyzed as an effective technology used by political leaders for achieving power. The influence of political myths is connected with the well developed citizen`s mythological consciousness, that is why myths are so popular among political leaders in Ukraine. In fact, modern political myths simplify reality and play on the emotions of citizens, deceiving them, backing off the development of rational thinking. There are some technologies of the creation and updating of myths which are used in Ukrainian society in particular. They include repetition of positive events in Ukraine; creating an illusory reality; manipulation features of national character, mentality and they are used when the politician needs it. In the process of constructing myths game on contrasts, antagonisms are used. The main idea is that political myth-making helps the power create neccessary pattern for citizens` behavior, socio-political climate, improve planned stereotypes of consciousness, attitudes, values (justice, statism, paternalistic attitudes). The author emphasises that myths serve as an additional tool to legitimize power, creating the illusion of citizens involvement in the political process and openness to dialogue between the power and public.
Популізм в країнах Західної Європи: кінець XX – початок XXI ст.
(Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2015) Кіянка, Ірина
Акцентується увага на проблематиці популізму в країнах Західної Європи (період 1990-х рр. – початок ХХІ ст.). Доведено, що популісти у боротьбі за владу використовують усі демократичні інститути, вважаючи, що лише воля громадян додає легітимності політичній системі. Іншою специфічною ознакою сучасного західноєвропейського популізму є поява сил, які обстоюють принципи вільного ринку, обмеження державного регулювання економіки та податкового тиску, при цьому переважно у поєднанні із закликами до протекціоністської політики. The article examines the problem of populism in Western European countries from the 1990s to the present day. The author proves that in their struggle for power the populists use the policy and ideas of the democratic institutions regarding the citizens’ will as the only basis of the legitimacy. One more feature of modern Western populism is the emergence of forces defending the free market principles, the economic deregulation and the tax burden. The growth of populism in Western Europe in the 1990s has a number of features. The first feature is that these forces generally tend to the nationalist ideology and rhetoric. The second one is crucial to the EU efforts to mitigate the effects of globalisation on their countries. The third feature of Western populism is sharp criticism of mass immigration recognised as a threat to the traditional European values and culture. Researchers suggest that populism and right-wing radicalism belong to the same ideology and the difference between them is rather quantitative than qualitative. However, there exist some political characteristics which make it possible to distinguish between the classical populists and the right-wing radicals. Nowadays the majority of the populist parties in Western and Eastern Europe have a more positive attitude towards the regime of President Putin and the foreign policy of the Russian Federation. The latter is considered to be an example of a strong national policy that is not limited by the influence of any supranational structures.
Проблема громадсько-політичної активності жінок у вітчизняній науковій думці
(Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2015) Олійник, Наталія
Розглянуто стан наукової розробки проблеми громадсько-політичної активності жінок в Україні. Проаналізовано та систематизовано дослідження вітчизняних науковців для формування теоретико-методологічних засад створення цілісної картини участі жінок у політичному та громадському житті України, що може розглядатися як орієнтир для подальших наукових досліджень. The article is dedicated to the study of the women’s public and political activity in Ukraine. The author analyses the works of the Ukrainian scientists according to the periods (pre-Soviet, Soviet, modern), the scholars’ place of living (Ukrainian, diaspora) and the sphere of the investigated problems (the women’s financial position and education, the women’s liberation movement, the women’s political representation). Historical and comparative methods are the main methods used in the research paper. The author finds out that researchers of all periods dedicated their scientific works to the problem of legal, social and economic status of Ukrainian women. Some works deal with the female entrepreneurship that is a new phenomenon in Ukraine’s economy. A considerable number of publications describe the history of the women’s liberation movement in Ukraine and its peculiarities. The women’s participation in political life of Ukraine is discussed from different viewpoints. Gender studies appeared in the mid-1990s. In the author’s opinion, the problem of public and political participation of Ukrainian women is not completely investigated and requires further comprehensive research.
Проблема легітимності гуманітарних інтервенцій у сучасних міжнародних відносинах
(Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2015) Здоровега, Мар’яна
З’ясована сутність поняття «гуманітарна інтервенція» та основні підходи її до інтерпретації. Визначено характер суперечностей щодо легітимності застосування гуманітарних втручань у міжнародному праві та на практиці. Проаналізовано особливості застосованих гуманітарних інтервенцій без мандату Ради Безпеки ООН. The problem of Legitimacy of humanitarian intervention in the modern international relations has been clarified in the article. Humanitarian intervention was defined as any kind of foreign intervention into the territory of the state with a use of force aiming to protect the rights of its citizens or foreign citizens when ruling elite of this state has no wish or doesn’t want to do it independently. It has been specified that the basis for intervention outside expect the violation of human rights and citizens in the certain state is usually a civil war. Based on the analysis of the intervention documents the main contradictions concerning the legality of the usage of humanitarian interventions in practice have been defined. The attention has been focused on the contradiction in the international law concerning the permit (article 42 of the UN Charter) and prohibition (article 2) of international humanitarian intervention. The kinds of humanitarian intervention have been distinguished. They are: unilateral humanitarian intervention, collective humanitarian intervention under the aegis of the United Nations ahd humanitarian intervention under the aegis of regional international organizations. The peculiarities of the applied interventions without the mandate of the UN security Council have been examined. The causes of the deligitimation of the practical usage of humanitarian intervention in the international relations have been outlined. They are in the effectiveness of the principles of the interfernce, non-use of the force or the threat of force, peaceful settlement of international disputes, sovereign equality of states, etc.
Проблема націоналізму у контексті розширення ЄС
(Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2015) Луцишин, Галина
Розглянуто проблему націоналізму у контексті розширення ЄС, наголошено, що націоналізм властивий не лише країнам, що розвиваються, а й багатьом демократичним державам Європи. Доведено, що зростання націоналізму в країнах Європи зумовлене значною мірою міграцією народів до Європи з країн Азії та Африки, в результаті чого багато націоналістичних партій виступає за припинення євроінтеграції та збільшення повноважень національних урядів. The article deals with the problem of nationalism in the context of the EU enlargement. It is emphasised that nationalism is characteristic of not only developing countries but also many democracies in Europe. The political program of nationalism is based on a nation obtaining a state and combining its national identity with a territorial one. The practice suggests that at early stages of its development nationalism was treated as a kind of revolutionary ideology and movements. Later it acquired conservative and expansionist features and is currently represented by nationalist parties. The author argues that there are a variety of factors influencing the growth of nationalism in European countries, including a threatened limitation of national sovereignty of EU member states as a result of European integration, legal and illegal migration from Asian and African countries to Europe, more active nationalist parties and movements. The number of European countries where nationalists prevail during elections grows every year (Switzerland, Belgium, Sweden, the Netherlands, Finland, Scotland, Ireland, Austria, Greece). Most radical right parties in Europe speak for the suspension of European integration and the return of significant authority to the national governments. Much attention is paid to the analysis of the activities of radical right parties in European countries. For example, a lot of representatives of the radical right parties who are critical about the EU enlargement or even speak for the collapse of the EU were elected to the European Parliament in 2014, including the National Front (France) that has 24 representatives (compared to only three of them in the past), the UK Independence Party with 26% of votes (seeks the UK’s withdrawal from the EU), Danish People’s Party, a Greek radical left party «Syriza» and a neo-fascist radical right party «Golden Dawn». The radical right parties of the Netherlands, Hungary, Bulgaria, Germany, Finland, Poland, Lithuania and other countries have also won seats in the European Parliament. The support of the Russian Federation policy is another special feature of the European radical right parties. For example, experts of the Political Capital Institute (Hungary) point out that15 out of 25 far-right parties in Europe support Russia.
Реалізація стратегічних політичних інтересів сталінського тоталітарного режиму як рушійної сили утвердження радянської політичної системи у Західній Україні та Північній Буковині на початковому етапі Другої світової війни: компаративний аспект
(Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2015) Докаш, Оксана
На основні опрацювання різнопланової джерельної бази та з використанням широкого спектра спеціально політологічних методів дослідження розкрито стратегічні політичні інтереси сталінського тоталітарного режиму у Західній Україні та Північній Буковині на початковому етапі Другої світової війни. Вказано, що визначальним чинником докорінної зміни політичного устрою західноукраїнського регіону виступав зовнішній фактор – поділ сфер впливу між СРСР і Німеччиною. Based on the study of a significant and diverse references and using a wide range of scientific and research methods, strategic and political interests of Stalinist totalitarian regime in Western Ukraine and Northern Bukovina at the beginning of World War II have been studied. The author assumes that the main driving force that determines the nature and direction of political activity is political interest as the resultant force between distinct political actor, his personal guidance, values, needs, and motivations. However, the motivation of power is only necessary, but not sufficient condition for the functioning of the power mechanism. According to the article the determining factor of radical change of the political system in Western Ukraine was the external factor – the division of spheres of influence between the USSR and Germany. The beginning of the World War II on the 1st of September in 1939 directly touched western lands, which became the scene for competition between the two totalitarian regimes – Nazi Germany and Stalin’s Soviet Union. In the summer of 1940 a problem of Northern Bukovina also played an important role in the international diplomatic, military and political dimensions of Central and Eastern Europe. The author proves that the formation of the temporary governments and management in western Ukraine in September – October 1939, led to a forced formation of the institutional structure of the Soviet political system starting from November 1939, but at the same time, in summer and autumn 1940 in Northern Bukovina Stalin’s regime incorporated key elements of the new political system without creating intermediate institutions.
Референдум як форма прямої демократії: зарубіжний і вітчизняний досвід
(Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2015) Маркітантов, Вадим; Нечитайло, Віталій
Розглядаються сутність і види інституту референдуму, його використання у США, Швейцарії, Франції та інших демократичних країнах, а також у сучасній Україні. The article dwells upon the nature and kinds of referendums and their conduct in the USA, Switzerland, France, other democratic states and also in modern Ukraine. In the scientific literature, the term «referendum» (from Latin referendum – something to be proclaimed) is understood as a way of the adoption of laws or decision-making concerning the main issues of social life through the direct expression of the citizens’ will in the national popular vote. The author defines the difference between a referendum and elections that lies in the object of the will expression which is represented by bills, domestic and foreign policy issues of the state, etc. Particular attention is paid to the fact that in democratic states referendums are considered to be the basis of the political system and one of the main forms of the popular sovereignty realisation. Modern democratic states use the following kinds of referendums: advisory referendums, binding referendums, non-binding referendums and referendumpetitions. Ukrainian researchers distinguish two types of referendums: imperative and consultative. Decisions of the first type referendums possess more legal power in comparison with other laws and regulations of the public and local authorities. Referendum decisions of the second type are advisory and they are taken into account while making decisions by the relevant state bodies. Referendums in Ukraine are held in accordance with the Constitution of Ukraine. Among the subjects of the Ukrainian nationwide referendums the authors name the ratification of the Constitution of Ukraine, its provisions or amendments, the adoption, amendment or repeal of the laws of Ukraine or their provisions, decision-making which determines the main contents of the Constitution of Ukraine, laws and other legal acts.
Система стримувань і противаг як атрибут демократії: порівняльний аналіз особливостей функціонування у різних формах правління
(Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2015) Забавська, Христина; Бучин, Микола
Розглядається система стримувань і противаг як атрибут демократії. На основі розробленої формули обчислюється коефіцієнт дисбалансу повноважень між гілками влади на прикладі США, Німеччини, Франції, Польщі та України, які репрезентують основні форми правління сучасності. The article considers the system of checks and balances as an attribute of democracy. The calculation formula of coefficient of disbalance of powers (CD), which enables to determine the level of efficiency of checks and balances mechanism is developed. The coefficient shows the balance / disbalance of powers between the branches of government. The components of the formula are the coefficients of powers of each branch of government: LP – coefficient of powers of legislative branch; EP – coefficient of powers of executive branch (including the institute of head of state and government); JP – coefficient of powers of judicial branch. The maximum value of the coefficients of powers of each branch can be equal to 100, and the minimum is 0. With all three coefficients of powers (LP, EP, JP), due to the operation of subtraction possible disbalances of powers can be calculated: 1) LP – EP = | x |; 2) LP – JP = | y |; 3) EP – JP = | z |. The sum of all three values (| x |, | y |, | z |) is a required CD. For more objective and applied research value the indicator of democracy level in a particular country is used: the resulting value of CD is divided by Democracy Index «The Economist Intelligence Unit» (CD ÷ ID). On the basis of the developed formula the coefficient of disbalance of powers is calculated using the example of the United States, Germany, France, Poland and Ukraine, which represent the main modern forms of government. Having compared the system of checks and balances in these countries, we obtained the following results: USA – 8,6; Germany – 6,7; France – 8,9; Poland – 9,8. For Ukraine by the Constitution of 1996 CD = 6,8, which shows the average balance of powers. According to the Constitution of 2004 CD = 5,07. Taking into account these results, it becomes clear that a parliamentary-presidential republic is more optimal for Ukraine.