Humanitarian Vision
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Item Результати голосування щодо “української” резолюції в ГА ООН як індикатор особливостей сучасного балансу сил у світовій політиці(Lviv Polytechnic National University, 2015) Турчин, ЯринаРозглянуто вплив українсько-російського конфлікту на сучасний стан світового порядку. Продемонстровано особливості розв’язання “української кризи” на рівні багатосторонньої дипломатії, передусім Генеральної Асамблеї ООН. За допомогою методу зіставлення досягнуто основної мети дослідження – виявлено особливості сучасного процесу трансформації світового балансу сил. Зроблено висновок про те, що приймаючи рішення щодо голосування “української” резолюції ГА ООН, кожна країна здебільшого керувалася власною ідеологією чи інтересами урядів, а не реальною ситуацією в Україні чи проблемами глобального значення. The impact of the Ukrainian and Russian conflict on the modern state of world order and the efficiency of global security system was dwelled upon. The peculiarities of solving this conflict on the level of multilateral diplomacy, namely at UNGA, which corresponds to international practice, were demonstrated. The benchmark method was applied to achieve the main objective of the research: to reveal characteristics of modern transformation of power balance and to define the role of Ukraine. It was concluded that, when taking the decision on “Ukrainian” resolution, each country was guided by its own ideology or its government’s interests, not by the current situation in Ukraine or problems of global importance. The Ukrainian and Russian conflict provoked the beginning of revising the state of world order and bipolar global power balance with the union of the USA and the EU on one side and authoritarian Russia on the other side. Meanwhile, Japan took the waiting position, hoping for the maximum benefit from opposition between Russia, the USA and the EU. In.0 such multiparty dialogue between key players, the USA, the EU, Russia and Japan, it is important for Ukraine not to become a pawn in the game of fulfilling other’s geopolitical ambitions, but to strengthen its status as an independent and. influential subject of international relations with strong internal and foreign policy. The urgent need in revision of Ukrainian foreign policy on the whole is pointed out. Firstly, it is necessary to promote cooperation with counties of Africa, Asia and South America, which for many years had been underestimated by Ukrainian authorities. Secondly, it is worth taking into account that Russia currently is trying to enforce its influence on post-Soviet countries where there are critical problems with developing a consolidated democracy, as well as stability of political and economic systems. Due solving of Ukrainian conflict will also restore the capacity of the international law and reinforce the role of the UNO in a system of international relations in the globalized 21st century.Item Консенсус еліт як умова конституцієтворення в Україні(Lviv Polytechnic National University, 2015) Мандзій, ЛюбомираРозглянуто консенсус еліт як умову процесу конституційного творення в Україні. Виділено чотири періоди конситуцієтворення в Україні, докладно проаналізовано умови прийняття Конституції та внесення змін до Основного Закону в кожному періоді зокрема. In this article author examines elite consensus as a process condition of the constitutional creation in Ukraine. She selects four periods of constitutional process in Ukraine and analyzes in detail the conditions of acceptance of the Constitution and Amendments to the Basic Law in each period in particular.Item Stary izaak nie żyje. To tragedia. Nie, to nie tragedia(Lviv Polytechnic National University, 2015) Kutyła Dorota, HalinaEsej ten poświęcony jest tematowi tragedii, tragizmu i śmierci. Odwołuje sió on przede wszystkim do analiz tych zagadnień dokonanych przez polskiego badacza literatury, Juliusza Kleinera. Kleiner wskazał podstawowe warunki umożliwiające mówienie o tragedii. Są nimi obecność śmierci, działanie Losu, zło i bohater, obdarzony odpowiednimi cechami. Analiza Kleinera jest świetna, ale nie obejmuje wszystkich wypadków; stąd przywołano A. Christie i biografię polskiego uczonego, Władysława Natansona. Specjalnie oparto się tekstach odległych od nas o kilkadziesiąt lat. Za tą decyzją stoi obserwacja współczesnej kultury, odrzucającej kategorię Losu. This essay is dedicated to the theme of tragedy, and death. It refers primarily to the analysis of these issues made by Julius Kleiner – Polish literary scholar. Basic conditions allowing us to speak about the tragedy were pointed out by Kleiner. These include: the presence of death, the effect of Fate, evil and the hero endowed with the appropriate signs. Kleiner’s analysis is great, but it does not include all accidents; hence creative works of A. Christie and biography of Polish scholar Władysław Natanson are invoked. I decided to analyse texts distant from us several decades on purpose. Especially the observation of contemporary culture, rejecting the category of Fate is my aim hidden by this decision.Item Інститут демократичних виборів в Україні: особливості та тенденції трансформації(Lviv Politechnic Publіshing House, 2015) Бучин, МиколаРозглядається проблема дотримання демократичних принципів під час виборів в Україні. Аналізуються особливості та тенденції трансформації Індексу демократичних виборів у нашій державі. The article dwells on the issue of compliance with democratic principles during elections in Ukraine. The author suggests the methodology for calculation of the level of election process democracy based on such an indicator as the Index of Democratic Elections. It is founded on democratic principles of elections, full compliance with which testifies the highest possible level of election process democracy. Each democratic principle includes a certain number of indicators which, in their turn, include constituents. They are assigned a particular sum of maximum possible scores depending on their influence on the level of elections democracy. The Index of Democratic Elections is a relative value calculated as correlation between democracy of a specific election campaign and the ideal model of democratic elections. The Index of Democratic Elections comprises the analysis of both the level of electoral legislation democracy and the study of electoral practice concerning compliance with democratic principles. In the first case, the regulatory acts of Ukraine which have been regulating conduction of elections in our country since 1990 served as sources for the research. In the second case, reports of theOSCE/ODIHR Election ObservationMission were taken as empirical material for the analysis. Upon applying of the suggested methodology in determining the level of elections democracy in independent Ukraine, the following results have been obtained: since the declaration of independence, the Index of Democratic Elections declined, and the pick of this process was the Presidential elections in 2004; short-term increase of this process was observed after the Orange Revolution; when V. Yanukovych took over the power in 2010, the Index of Democratic Elections tended to decrease; after the Revolution of Dignity, significant increase of the level of elections democracy is observed, and this provides a chance for democratization of social order in Ukraine at large.Item РБ ООН у сучасних умовах: до проблеми пошуку варіантів реформування(Lviv Politechnic Publіshing House, 2015) Дорош, Леся; Охремчук, СтаніславРозглянута діяльність Ради Безпеки Організації Об’єднаних Націй як гаранта міжнародного миру та безпеки, що має широкі повноваження щодо впливу на держав-порушниць міжнародного права. Зіставлено пропозиції щодо реформування РБ ООН, які охоплюють три ключові проблеми: зміна складу, використання права вето та зміна непрозорих методів роботи Ради. Доведено, що від сьогоднішніх ініціатив щодо реформування РБ ООН залежить подальше ефективне існування Організації Об’єднаних Націй та майбутнє усієї міжнародної системи безпеки. The authors review activities of the United Nations Security Council as a guarantor of international peace and security with broad powers to influence infringers of the international law (the right to apply sanctions and use military force against violators of peace and security at one’s own discretion). The article states that at the end of the 20th – beginning of the 21st century, the UN Security Council was powerless to perform its functions and duties to safeguard international peace and security, as well as to resolve a number of large-scale armed conflicts. Therefore, the need to find mechanisms of the UN Security Council reform in order to enhance its effectiveness is proven. The work analyzes options of the UN Security Council reform which member-states of the United Nations started to apply actively in the early 1990s. The proposals of the member states that encompass three key issues (change of the composition of the UN Security Council, reform of the veto right and change of non-transparent working methods of the Security Council) are compared. On the basis of the analysis of the Security Council decision-making mechanism, it is stated that increase in the effectiveness of the UN Security Council can be achieved only by means of the veto right reform. It was found that the main obstacle in the reform of veto is the need to persuade five permanent members to limit themselves in the use of the instrument which allows them to influence the entire international system. Therefore, it is unlikely that these states will give their consent to such a reform. The article proves that further existence of the United Nations and the future of the international security system depend on current initiatives for reformation of the UN Security Council as a key body in the field of peace and security. In this context, further study of opportunities and options for reformation of the UN Security Council taking into account the position of Ukraine, which became a victim of the aggressor, a permanent member of this structure, is considered to be promising, including detailed research of proposals for reforming the UN Security Council submitted by official representatives of Ukraine, as well as analysts and publicists.Item Mathematical transgressions, Cracow, 15–19th of march, 2015. Conference report(Lviv Polytechnic National University, 2015) Bożek, HubertItem Роль німецької національної меншини в суспільно-політичному житті сучасної Польщі(Lviv Polytechnic National University, 2015) Шипка, НаталіяПроаналізовано місце та роль німецької національної меншини у суспільно-політичному житті Республіки Польща. З’ясовано, що німецька спільнота є активним суб’єктом етнополітики. Встановлено, що меншина бере участь у виборчому процесі через власні виборчі комітети, представлена на державному рівні та на рівні місцевого самоврядування. The research paper analyzed role and place of German national minority in social-and-political life of the Republic of Poland. It was defined that German community is an active subject of ethno-national policy, as well as found that this minority is actively engaged in the election process through its own elective committees; it is presented both at the national and local self-governance levels.Item Непотизм як політико-правова проблема українського державотворення(Lviv Polytechnic National University, 2015) Дорош, Леся; Івасечко, ОльгаПроаналізовано феномен “непотизму” в українській політичній, економічній та управлінській практиці, виявлено його характерні вияви і форми. Враховуючи високий показник України за індексом держав, у яких процвітає кумівство, стверджується про необхідність боротьби з цим явищем, що є однією з перших передумов ефективного та успішного державотворення в європейському розумінні. It’s analyzed the phenomenon of “nepotism” in Ukraine’s political, economic and administrative practice, detected its distinctive displays and forms. Taking into account the high rate of Ukraine in the index of the states where nepotism prospers, it’s claimed about the necessity of combat this phenomenon, which is one of the first prerequisites for effective and successful statebuilding in the European sense.Item Критика розуму як спосіб звільнитися від меж(Lviv Politechnic Publіshing House, 2015) Карівець, ІгорItem АСЕАН та ЄС у порівнянні: геоекономічний та інституційний аспекти(Lviv Politechnic Publіshing House, 2015) Івасечко, ОльгаЗдійснено порівняння показників окремих складових геоекономічного та інституційного потенціалу АСЕАН та Європейського Союзу. Зроблено висновок про те, що підхід, який має за основу тільки темпи економічного зростання держав–членів АСЕАН та їхню частку у світових макроекономічних показниках, має вагомі недоліки: по-перше, не враховує якісних параметрів економічної модернізації в азійських країнах у контексті регіональної інтеграції; по-друге не бере до уваги істотні розбіжності у розвитку економічних параметрів держав–членів АСЕАН щодо інтеграції і глобалізації загалом. The author of the article compares the indexes of separate components of geoeconomic and institutional potential of the ASEAN and the European Union. The role of these integrational unions is determined in regional and global dimensions. Problematic aspects and main differences in functioning of the ASEAN and the EU are defined. On the basis of comparative analysis of macroeconomic indexes of the ASEAN and the EU, considerable achievements of the ASEAN were stated. First of all, this is grounded by the fact of combined potential of ten Association member states which is much higher comparing to capacity of its separate states. Thus, member states of the ASEAN grant substantial preferences to consolidation on the international arena, despite their relatively low social economic level, comparing to the EU. The approach which is based only on the rates of economic development of ASEAN member states and their part in world macroeconomic indexes has many considerable drfawbacks: firstly, it does not take into consideration qualitative parameters of economic modernization in Asian countries in the context of regional integration; secondly, it does not pay attention to the essential differences in development of economic parameters of ASEAN member-states concerning integration and globalization in general. It is emphasized, that the EU and the ASEAN by uniting states different in their culture, language and national traditions, have much in common in their structure and approach to achieving the objectives. The cooperation between them is based on the unity of national states, respect for the national cultures, and openness to the dialogue. None of them is a threat to their neighbors and each of them derives from the fact that economic and political integration is the driving force for the development of democracy and providing of security. A clear example of this is qualitative humanitarian development among the continents and tangible results of their economic cooperation.Item Зміст до "Humanitarian Vision" Volume 1, number 2(Lviv Politechnic Publіshing House, 2015)Item Особливості євроінтеграційного процесу у Польщі: внутрішньополітичний та зовнішньополітичний виміри(Lviv Politechnic Publіshing House, 2015) Демчишак, РусланЗ’ясовано специфіку, основні етапи та динаміку процесу євроінтеграції у Польщі, досліджено суспільні перетворення всередині країни, а також участь Польщі у міжнародних організаціях різного рівня, як фактор прискорення євроінтеграції. This work describes specific features, basic stages, and dynamics of the eurointegration process of Poland. The objective of this research is to clarify peculiarities of the process of European integration of Poland, in particular, the analysis of the internal policy (which is converting of different spheres of public life aimed at compliance with the European standards) as well as foreign policy (diplomatic negotiations with the EU structures and participating in international organizations as a factor of European integration acceleration) constituents. The systemic and structural, comparative, and historical methods of research were used. It is determined that the way of European integration of Poland lasted about fifteen years. During this time, the state carried out the reforms practically in each sphere of public life in order to follow the Copenhagen criteria. As for the major events of this process, it is possible to include: the signing of the European Association Agreement in 1991 which launched the systematic dialogue between Poland and the EU and assisted social transformations in the country; the summit in Copenhagen in 1993 proclaimed that the states who signed the Agreement can become full-fledged members of the European Union meeting certain criteria; an official request for membership in the EU in 1994; launching of official negotiations between the parties in 1998; entering of the Republic of Poland the European Union in 2004. During the years of the integration Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth concentrated the efforts both on changes in the domestic policy of country (economic, judicial, institutional and other reforms) and on a collaboration of the regional same as the collaboration of international levels (participating in the Vyshegrad association, entering NATO, collaboration within the Weimar triangle etc). For Ukraine, the experience of joining the EU by our western neighbor, Poland, is extraordinarily topical, as the analysis of positive and negative moments of this process can accelerate affiliation with the Euroatlantic structures.Item Титульний аркуш до "Humanitarian Vision" Volume 1, number 2(Lviv Politechnic Publіshing House, 2015)Item Знання, цінності та людська гідність(Lviv Polytechnic National University, 2015) Петрушенко, ВікторПроаналізовано традиційну для філософії тему – співвідношення знання та цінностей. На основі такого розгляду запропоновано авторську версію не тільки трактування цінностей, а й їх новий поділ – на дігнітативні та валютативні цінності. Основними методами дослідження у статті постали метод системно-структурного аналізу та компаративний; використовувався також метод феноменологічного аналізу. Article analyzes traditional philosophical theme – correlation between knowledge and values. Based on this review in the article is given the author’s version not only of the interpretation of values, but their new division into the dignitatyv’s and valutatyv’s values. The main methods of research in article are the method of system-structural analysis and comparative one; the method of phenomenological analysis is use also.Item Етична спадщина К. Твардовського в її сучасній ретроспекції (до 150-річчя від дня народження)(Lviv Politechnic Publіshing House, 2015) Скалецький, МихайлоРозглядаються погляди К. Твардовського на природу та походження принципів моралі. Стверджується, що будучи прихильником еволюційної етики, він доводив, що не існує жодних норм моралі. Етичні норми – це продукт еволюційного розвитку, про що свідчить їх відносний та мінливий характер. Тому для перетворення етики у повноцінну завершену науку необхідно встановити універсальні норми моралі, які будуть відігравати роль “законів етики”. In the article, the author analyses views of the founder of the Lviv-Warsaw philosophical school, K. Twardowski, on the nature and origin of the morality and correlation principles of the altruism and egoism in human nature which are set forth in his program work “Ethics in the range with theory of evolution”. The article asserts that, being an adherent of evolution theory, K. Twardowski argued that there were no innate norms of morality. Ethical norms are the product of evolutionary development as to their relative and variable character. Thus, all moral norms have relative and variable character, furthermore, there is a lack of “absolute” in the common for all “ethical dogmas” then this deprives it from the reliable criteria for differentiation of goodness and evil, which threatens “ethical anarchy” through doubting the possibility of any moral judgments and appraisals. Exactly this does not permit considering the ethics as a complete and exact science. As a follower of the positivism’s ideology, K. Twardowski put out a task to set an ethical and reliable scientific basis and to compare it to the exact sciences, such as logic or mathematics, and transform it into completed science. For this, it is necessary to set universal norms of morality which will play the role of “ethical dogmas” simultaneously, when relativity of moral principles absolutely does not mean that there are no common compulsory principles of behavior. It is only showing that we still have not known it and proves that ethics as a scientific doctrine is far from the completion. Therefore, only after the establishment of common compulsory humanity norms which will play a role of “ethical dogmas”, it will represent a complete full science. However, because K. Twardowski was an adherent of the epistemological theory of the absolute by F. Brentano, who argued that the truth, when real, must be irrespective and unconditional, always and everywhere being like that, not able to change and evolve. He could not resolve this task.Item Механізми протидії негативним впливам інформаційної пропаганди(Lviv Politechnic Publіshing House, 2015) Малик, ІринаРозглядаються проблеми виникнення та впливу пропагандистських технологій як необхідного елемента інформаційних війн. Досліджуються особливості застосування інформаційної зброї та інформаційних впливів на людину. Проведено аналіз популярності українських та російських телеканалів у регіонах України на сучасному етапі. In this article, problems of emergance and influence of propaganda technologies as an important element in information wars are examined. Pecularities of informational weapon application and informational influence on a human were researched. For analysis of television influence, up-to-date ratings of popular Ukrainian and Russian TV channels were analyzed. Findings of Kyiv International Institute of Sociology (KIIS) were used. KIIS carried out “Counteraction to the Russian propaganda in the onflict region” survey that was ordered by Public Society (“TV Critics”). Particular attention in this article is paid to the study of propaganda phenomenon – from roots and origin to its official founders and peculiarities of usage at the modern stage. Analysis of major propaganda technologies is carried out, and an attempt to work out the mechanisms of counteraction to informational influences is made. The article reviews a necessity of development of measures system directed towards the improvement of regulator base and prevention, neutralization of potential and real threats to national security in informational sphere. The Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine, The Security Service of Ukraine, The State Service of Special Connection and Information Protection of Ukraine, The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine were involved in realization of developed measures. The Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine enacted a decree on January 14, 2015, according to which the Ministry of Information Policy of Ukraine was formed and relevant regulations were approved. The main tasks of the Ministry are the following: counteracting to information aggression from Russia; development of strategy of the state information policy and conception of information security of Ukraine; coordination of governmental bodies in communication issues and information dissemination.Item Територіальний підхід до врегулювання етнополітичних сепаратистських конфліктів(Lviv Politechnic Publіshing House, 2015) Червінка, ІринаДосліджено територіальний підхід до врегулювання етнополітичних сепаратистських конфліктів, різні види територіальних механізмів. Розглянуто застосування принципу визнання етнічних відмінностей. Вивчено погляди дослідників щодо можливих негативних та позитивних наслідків застосування територіального підходу. Територіальні механізми проаналізовано відповідно до критеріїв ефективності. Ethno-political separatist conflict is a feature of modern international relations and a potential threat to global security. The number of such conflicts is growing and the danger of their aggravation remains an urgent problem, thus, studing the possibilities of solving them is an important task. The concept of ethno-political separatist conflict integrates two terms of the Western science: “self-determination, conflict” and “separatist conflict”. Such conflicts arise from the desire for self-determination, including political, cultural, national self-determination, partial (autonomy) or full secession. It is also argued that the conflict in Ukraine is not a separatist but pseudo-separatist one. Territorial approach to the settlement of ethno-political separatist conflicts can be the most effective because it is difficult to resolve such conflicts using other mechanisms: they deal only with secondary effects while it is important to solve the core problem of the conflict. U. Schneckener’s classification of mechanisms of ethno-political conflicts settlement is considered. The main attention is focused on the mechanisms of recognition of ethnic differences which include territorial solutions. The various types of territorial mechanisms, including external (requirements of independence and unification with another state (by S. Wolff), secession, dissolution (by U. Schneckener)) and internal (autonomy, federation) are studied., The scientists’ views on the ability of territorial approach to solve ethno-political conflicts are considered. The possible negative (H. Hale, P. Roeder, D. Treisman) and positive (T. Gurr, S. Saideman, D. Rothchild, C. Hartzell) consequences of territorial approach application are studied. Territorial mechanisms are also analyzed according to the criteria of efficiency. Territorial approach aims at eliminating causes of ethno-political separatist conflicts that is why it can be effective in their settlement and enable to remove tension between parties. However, today territorial mechanisms are used insufficiently. Typically, one party of the conflict tries to avoid their use or provides insufficient level of self-government for another party. Therefore, it is necessary to involve supranational institutions as objective participants of a conflict in the process of settlement.Item Рівні та типи дискурсу глобальної політики(Lviv Politechnic Publіshing House, 2015) Тишкун, ЮрійАналізується дискурс глобальної політики як її “тексту”, його змісту і особливостей, складових. В основу праці покладено адаптацію ідей про дискурс Р. Барта, М. Фуко, Т. ван Дейка до глобальної політики. Стверджується, що дискурс як “мова” глобальної політики опосередковує і формує уявлення про це явище – як наукові, так і повсякденні, містить усю наявну інформацію про нього. Цей дискурс формується структурою “мови” глобальної політики і її соціальним контекстом, а також когнітивними схемами індивідів, які сприймають інформацію, їх “суперструктурами”. The article analyzes the discourse of global politics as “text” and “language” of its content and features along with its components. The work is based on the ideas of R. Barthes, M. Foucault and T. Van Dijk on the discourse concerning global politics. Discourse as “language” of global politics is considered to create certain apprehension about the0 phenomenon in both aspects: scientific and casual. Moreover, it contains all the necessary information. This discourse is shaped through the structure of global politics “language”, its social context and cognitive schemas of individuals who perceive information about global politics, their “superstructures” in other words. S. Huntington marks that languages of former imperialistic powers (e. g., English, Chinese, French, Spanish, Arabic, Russian ones) are the most significant for formation of the “global” discourse of “World Politics”.. The discourse of global politics is based on separate texts which exist as autonomous objects. The philosophers, historians, culturologists, political scientists and representatives of other social and humanitarian sciences describe those and other texts about “Global Politics” as the product of certain subjects (individuals) created under special social conditions and in a certain cultural and historical situation. In the broad sense, the discourse of global politics appears to be implemented in stereotypical vision of global public opinion and its sources such as global media and communication. This discourse, in the narrow sense, is the reflection of global politics in the context of scientific and philosophical discourses about it. The discourses are aimed at investigation through social and humanitarian methods, philosophy, as well as realizing, exploring, and understanding of its essence. According to the terminology by R. Barthes, there are such kinds of elements of the global politics discourse as its reflexive consecutive interpretation of “meta” global policy which, in its turn, can be defined as an artificial symbolic description of an object: 1) scientific, 2) philosophical, 3) ideological (mythological) discourses. All those types of the “metalanguage” discourse are similar and interconnected, but not identical. Each of those types of discourse is built according to its “genre” by usual standard procedure, “superstructure” (according to the terminology of T. Van Dijk).Item Концепція миру та безпеки в Магістеріумі Католицької Церкви(Lviv Politechnic Publіshing House, 2015) Волинець, ОксанаВикористовуючи системний та структурно-функціональний методи на контент-аналіз, досліджено позицію Католицької Церкви щодо глобальної проблеми загрози війни і необхідності гарантування безпеки народам і націям. З’ясовано, що концепція Магістеріуму виходить з позиції гарантування та дотримання прав людини і ґрунтується на принципах моральності політики, дотримання міжнародних угод, солідарності та гуманізму. In modern threats for existing world order, the acute problem of preserving the world peace and security guarantee for all nations and peoples emerges. This particular research examines the concept of peace and security by using a systematic, structural, and functional methods and content analysis which was proposed by the Magisterium of the Catholic Church. Through the analyzing basic documents of the Roman Pontiffs, the author concludes that the conception proposed by them was based on the need to protect and promote human rights. In addition, it is based on the principles of moral policy of solidarity and humanism. The role and importance of the United Nations in promoting peace is explored. The position of the Catholic Church on the need to rethink the contents of the UN regulations and introduce new mechanisms for overcoming international conflicts as well. In this context, the role of the armed forces is analyzed. The forces, according to Roman Pontiffs hierarchs, have to be designed not for war, but to guarantee national security and conduction of peacekeeping missions. This particular work analyzes the phenomenon of terrorism as a new type of war and the associated problem of refugees. This viewpoint is based on the concept of peace and security in the Magisterium of the Catholic Church. It turns out that the Church insists on the need to ensure all refugees’ fundamental rights guaranteed by international humanitarian law. The universal mechanisms to overcome international conflicts are considered. These mechanisms include the creation of an effective world power that would act as a moral authority for the international community and operate towards peace and security. Those universal mechanisms were proposed by the Catholic Church.Item Проблема безпеки виборів 2014 року в Україні(Lviv Polytechnic National University, 2015) Бучин, МиколаРозглянуто проблему безпеки виборчого процесу на позачергових президентських та парламентських виборах 2014 р. в Україні. Проаналізовано дії української влади як в сфері законотворчої діяльності, так і в площині електоральної практики для нейтралізації безпекових загроз під час позачергових виборів глави держави та виборів народних депутатів 2014 р. The article dwells upon security issues of the electoral process during the special presidential and parliamentary elections 2014 in Ukraine. Actions of Ukrainian authorities are analyzed both in the sphere of legislation and in the field of electoral practice for neutralization of security threats during the special elections of the President and People’s Deputies in 2014.