Азовська криза та українська передвиборча кампанія у твіттері: формальний аналіз політичного тексту (на прикладі облікового запису Петра Порошенка)
dc.citation.epage | 20 | |
dc.citation.issue | 1 | |
dc.citation.journalTitle | Гуманітарні візії | |
dc.citation.spage | 14 | |
dc.contributor.affiliation | Донецький національний університет імені Василя Стуса | |
dc.contributor.affiliation | Vasyl Stus’ Donetsk National University | |
dc.contributor.author | Стеблина, Наталія | |
dc.contributor.author | Steblyna, Nataliia | |
dc.coverage.placename | Львів | |
dc.coverage.placename | Lviv | |
dc.date.accessioned | 2021-01-26T07:35:32Z | |
dc.date.available | 2021-01-26T07:35:32Z | |
dc.date.created | 2020-02-24 | |
dc.date.issued | 2020-02-24 | |
dc.description.abstract | У статті здійснено формальний аналіз твіттер-акаунту Петра Порошенка, який містить обчислення й відстеження динаміки показників персоналізації, емоційності та наявності комунікаційного наміру. Для аналізу дописів було створено комп’ютерну програму (мова Python). Петро Порошенко є одним із найпопулярніших блоґерів твіттера в Україні, маючи 1,1 млн прихильників. У своїй політичній діяльності Петро Порошенко робив ставку не тільки на популярні в українців соцмережі, але й активно використовував твіттер. Попередні дослідження цієї соціальної мережі показали, що політична комунікація під упливом твіттера та інших подібних платформ стає більш персоналізованою, емоційною, а також зафіксовано зв’язок між використанням політиками соціальних мереж та зростанням популізму. Тим не менш, більшість із цих висновків зроблені на основі аналізу дописів західноєвропейських лідерів. Відповідно, аналіз дописів Петра Порошенка у твіттері дасть змогу розширити уявлення про можливі комунікаційні стратегії використання цієї соцмережі в Україні. У середньому чверть твітів Петра Порошенка є персоналізованою. Реакція на російську агресію у другій половині листопада – першій половині грудня 2018 якраз має низькі показники персоналізації, натомість другий тур президентських виборів – високі. Азовська криза не призводить до підвищення емоційності текстів, так само й активна фаза передвиборчої кампанії перед першим туром мала низьку емоційність. Проте перед другим туром виборів зафіксовано значне зростання цього показника. Щодо показника комунікаційного наміру маємо негативну кореляцію із показником емоційності. Це свідчить про більш раціональну реакцію на Азовську кризу та перший тур президентських виборів. | |
dc.description.abstract | Petro Poroshenko is one of the most popular Twitter-bloggers in Ukraine with 1,1 million followers. Thus, he actively exploited Twitter, as well as more wide spread in the country social networks as Facebook and Instagram. Dealing with Twitter and other social networks studies, scholars claim that political communication nowadays has been becoming more personalized, emotional and populist. All these considerations were made on the accounts of Western European leaders. Thus, Petro Poroshenko’s Twitter posts analysis will be useful to expand the discoveries about political communication. The objective of the study is Petro Poroshenko’s Twitter account formal analysis, particularly, calculation and dynamics’ study of indicators: personalization, emotionality and communication intention existence. The author uses the method of study, which is a computer program (Python language) and it was designed especially for this study. 25 % of Petro Poroshenko’s Twitter posts are personalized. The reaction on Russian aggression in NovemberDecember 2019 has low indicators, whereas the second tour of the election – high ones. It’s also possible to discover the change of communication strategy before the first tour of the election. Azov crisis doesn’t lead to the high emotionality indicators. And the active phase of pre-election campaign before the second tour of the election has low emotionality. The significant growth of the indicator is fixed before the second tour. As for the communication intention existence indicator, there is negative correlation between the indicator and emotionality. Thus, Azov crisis and the first tour of presidential elections have gained reaction that is more rational. | |
dc.format.extent | 14-20 | |
dc.format.pages | 7 | |
dc.identifier.citation | Стеблина Н. Азовська криза та українська передвиборча кампанія у твіттері: формальний аналіз політичного тексту (на прикладі облікового запису Петра Порошенка) / Наталія Стеблина // Гуманітарні візії. — Львів : Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2020. — Том 6. — № 1. — С. 14–20. | |
dc.identifier.citationen | Steblyna N. Azov Crisis and Ukrainian Pre-Election Campaign on Twitter: Formal Analysis of Political Textes (On the Case of Petro Poroshenko’s Account) / Nataliia Steblyna // Humanitarian Vision. — Lviv : Lviv Politechnic Publishing House, 2020. — Vol 6. — No 1. — P. 14–20. | |
dc.identifier.doi | doi.org/10.23939/shv2020.01.014 | |
dc.identifier.uri | https://ena.lpnu.ua/handle/ntb/56018 | |
dc.language.iso | uk | |
dc.publisher | Видавництво Львівської політехніки | |
dc.publisher | Lviv Politechnic Publishing House | |
dc.relation.ispartof | Гуманітарні візії, 1 (6), 2020 | |
dc.relation.ispartof | Humanitarian Vision, 1 (6), 2020 | |
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dc.relation.referencesen | Trump’s Branding on Twitter. Political Studies Review, 17(3), 210-223. https://doi.org/10.1177/1478929918807712 | |
dc.relation.referencesen | Stetka, V., Surowiec, P., & Mazak, J. (2019). Facebook | |
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dc.relation.referencesen | Engagement: Comparing Czechia and Poland. European | |
dc.relation.referencesen | Journal of Communication, 34(2), 121–141. | |
dc.relation.referencesen | https://doi.org/10.1177/0267323118810884 | |
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dc.relation.referencesen | the Media Messages during the 2016 U.S. Presidential | |
dc.relation.referencesen | Election: A Thematic Comparison between CNN News and | |
dc.relation.referencesen | Donald Trump’s Tweets. Journal of Politics and Law, 11(2), 78–87. https://doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v11n2p78 | |
dc.relation.referencesen | Thompson, M. (2016). Enough Said: What’s Gone | |
dc.relation.referencesen | Wrong with the Language of Politics? New York: St. Martin’s | |
dc.relation.referencesen | Press. | |
dc.relation.referencesen | Villar, S., & María, J. (2019). The use of blogs as social | |
dc.relation.referencesen | media tools of political communication : citizen journalism and | |
dc.relation.referencesen | public opinion 2.0. Communication & Society, 32(1), 39–55. | |
dc.relation.referencesen | https://doi.org/10.15581/003.32.1.39-55 | |
dc.relation.uri | https://www.radiosvoboda.org/a/yak-kandydaty-reklamyjutsiav-facebook/29848069.html | |
dc.relation.uri | https://doi.org/10.1080/1461670X.2018.1487802 | |
dc.relation.uri | https://doi.org/10.1177/2056305118823358 | |
dc.relation.uri | https://doi.org/10.1017/S1049096518001087 | |
dc.relation.uri | https://doi.org/10.1177/2056305118808776 | |
dc.relation.uri | https://doi.org/10.1080/17512786.2018.1564883 | |
dc.relation.uri | https://doi.org/10.1016/j.pubrev.2017.10.002 | |
dc.relation.uri | https://doi.org/10.15581/003.32.1.1-18 | |
dc.relation.uri | https://doi.org/10.1177/2056305119837671 | |
dc.relation.uri | https://doi.org/10.1080/15205436.2019.1614196 | |
dc.relation.uri | https://doi.org/10.1080/15295036.2016.1266686 | |
dc.relation.uri | https://doi.org/10.1177/2056305119855143 | |
dc.relation.uri | https://doi.org/10.1177/2056305119834595 | |
dc.relation.uri | https://doi.org/10.15581/003.32.1.57-75 | |
dc.relation.uri | https://doi.org/10.1177/1478929918807712 | |
dc.relation.uri | https://doi.org/10.1177/0267323118810884 | |
dc.relation.uri | https://doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v11n2p78 | |
dc.relation.uri | https://doi.org/10.15581/003.32.1.39-55 | |
dc.relation.uri | https://doi.org/10.1080/17512786.2013.802481 | |
dc.relation.uri | https://www.radiosvoboda.org/a/yak-kandydatyreklamyjutsia-v-facebook/298480 | |
dc.rights.holder | © Національний університет “Львівська політехніка”, 2020 | |
dc.rights.holder | © Стеблина Н., 2020 | |
dc.subject | політична комунікація | |
dc.subject | Азовська криза | |
dc.subject | вибори в Україні | |
dc.subject | твіттер | |
dc.subject | Петро Порошенко | |
dc.subject | political communication | |
dc.subject | Azov crisis | |
dc.subject | Ukraine elections | |
dc.subject | ||
dc.subject | Petro Poroshenko | |
dc.subject.udc | 32.019.51 | |
dc.title | Азовська криза та українська передвиборча кампанія у твіттері: формальний аналіз політичного тексту (на прикладі облікового запису Петра Порошенка) | |
dc.title.alternative | Azov Crisis and Ukrainian Pre-Election Campaign on Twitter: Formal Analysis of Political Textes (On the Case of Petro Poroshenko’s Account) | |
dc.type | Article |
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