ItemУчасть шляхти у мобілізації війська в Сяноцькій землі на початку Польсько-шведської війни (квітень – грудень 1655 р.)(Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2014) Лисейко, Я. Б.Досліджено участь населення Сяноцької землі у мобілізації війська на початковому етапі Польсько-шведської війни 1655–1660 рр. Загалом до кінця 1655 р. було мобілізовано близько 115 вершників, 17 піхотинців та окрему хорогву ланових жовнірів, які разом склали основу територіальної самооборони краю. Попри пасивну участь сяноцької шляхти у військових діях поза межами Сяноцької землі, вона поставила пріоритет в обороні власного краю, адже не проігнорувала жодної можливості найняти військо для забезпечення оборони своїх домівок. The Rus province nobility responded to oncoming war with the Swedes by gathering on April 28, 1655 in Vyshnya at the Sejmyk, where was decided to convene campaign of planned soldier. Then there was defined the type of troops and the prosess of hiring planned soldier – infantry was mobilized and comprised one soldier out of ten fields, and later one out of every 15 fields. The development of military and political events led to the gathering of Russ nobility at the following congress of Vyshensky Sejm, held on August 13, 1655. In response to the invasion of Swedes to Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth the nobility declared Pospolytyy movement which took place on August 24 near Vyshnya. Sanok gentry started to reorganize sefety means on their own land. On the terririry of Sanok land the military troop was formed which consisted of about 115 horsemen and 17 infantrymen (hired by Sanok towns) under the command of Sanok nobleman Janusz Dedenskoho. As it turned out, Sanok people have never been into a military campaign against the enemy held beyond Syanok land. A month later, in September 27th, 1655 a meeting at Sanok Sejmyk was arranged where Sanok nobles decided all Pospolytyy movement to stay directly on Sanok land, explaining that decision was made because of excessive risk of robber attacks from the Hungarian border. Sanok gentry authorized its decision by the fact that third notification, sent out by King on July 30, they received permission to stay on Sanok land in order to ensure proper defense of the land. Nevertheless Sanok nobility was obliged to continue the mobilization of some military troops which should have set out to replace the main military camp during the Pospolytyy movement. Syanok people requested Zygmunt Fredra, the Sanok Castellan, to provide his own dragoons of 100 soldiers for state needs. Overall response of Sanok people to the military and political events of that time appeared in manifesting and delaying the mobilization of troops, unwillingness to act in the campaign in person and participate in military actions outside the Sanok lands. One of the main reasons, mentioned by historians, was caused by the loss of morale within the Polish troops in 1655, the common frustration, demoralization from prolonged warfare with the Cossacks that lasted permanently since 1648. Such spirits could not affect the general feelings of the Sanok nobility that despite its regional patriotism, self-awareness of being the “Ukrainian knighthood” remained citizens of the Commonwealth. Another important reason was the fact that nobility did not want to leave their homes because they were afraid of anti-noble appearances, increase of attacks against rebels and bandits from Beskid. From a financial point of view, after years of war the nobility did not processed sufficient resources to hire expensive cavalry, and therefore they addressed for employment of infantry, and personally had to come to arms during the Pospolytyy movement. Although passive participation of Sanok nobility in the military operations outside the Sanok lands, it should be noted that nobility has put a priority in the defense of their own land at that hard time. By the end of 1655 there was generated a sufficient army to defend Sanok land against the enemy. When Pospolytyy movement was declared there were mobilized about 115 riders out of Sanok nobility and 17 infantrymen from Sanok towns that formed the basis of territorial self-defense. In addition, there was mobilized a separate military troop during the hiring of planned soldiers, which could account to 80-100 people. Also there were involved another 50 infantrymen to fight against robbers provided to defend the land by mayor of Sanok. This list included an additional 100 dragoons of Sanok castellan, who had to replaced Sanok nobility during the Pospolytyy movement. This is the only one who possibly took part in military actions outside the Sanok lands in 1655. ItemСтворення та діяльність більшовицьких військ в Україні в кінці 1918 – 1929 роках у сучасній історіографії(Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2014) Хома, І. Я.У загальних рисах проаналізовано основні здобутки сучасної української історіографії в дослідженні становлення та діяльності військ Червоної армії на території України в кінці 1918 – 1920 роках. Modern Ukrainian historiography of Ukrainian National Revolution (1917–1921) has been presented by hundreds of research papers, theses, monographs that covervarious aspects of that age. The vast majority of works concern the problems that until 1991 were suppressed, falsified an derased from the memory of society. Clearly there is a need in scientific reappraisal of the establishment of Bolshevik government history, bothin general and in detail. It comprises new problems and aspects that were not consideredin Soviet historiography, suppressed or distorted. The reappraisal and new scientific publications should be based on modern methodological approaches, sources, factsetc. According to historian V.Verstyuk “Ukrainian historians practically stopped to study the history of Bolshevism. This is very interesting phenomen on that... was not examined critically” [1, p. 129]. The aim of the article is to determine the general state of researchin modern Ukrainian historiography the formation an dactivities of the Red Army against the forces of the UNR in the end of 1918 – 1920. The modern historiography refers to scientific researches that have been issued since independence. In general the historiography of this problem is divided into two groups. Works that briefly concider this perspective, as well as those that are directly related to current military events in Ukraine of 1918–1920. The first group include monographs written by S.Kulchytskyy, M.Doroshko and G.Kuriy. S. Kulchytskyy under the scheme of communismin Ukraine is considering the problem of “military and political alliance” between Bolshevik Russia and Ukrainian Soviet government. M.Doroshko raises the general questions about coming of Bolsheviks’ regime. The value of H.Kuriy’s monographis in collected and summarized factual material that refers to G. Petrovskyy’s activities, who was involved in the military and political processes of that time. V.Verstyuk’s publication “Ukrainian Revolution: metaphors, object, interpretation” motivated to write the article. These condgroup is presented by monographs of V.Verstyuk, V.Kuzmenko and A.Rukkas, V.Savchenko’s scientific and popular publication, the sis researches of O.Bozhko and O.Chihradze. In addition to N. Makhno’s military units that were apart of Bolshevik forces, V.Verstyuk’s monograph presentsa number of legitimate critical views about the military and political alliance, the formation and activities of the Red Army. V.Kuzmenko’s scientific paper considers the specificity of state building in the USSR, where the focus of attention on the attitude of the Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics to the Ukrainian Soviet Army is especially interesting. A.Rukkas describesin details the condition of Soviet troops and the major battles that were held on the territory of Ukraine during th e Ukrainian-Polish-Soviet War in 1920, as well as directly against the UNR’s troop sin November of that year. That paper is the latest significant achievement in Ukrainian militaryhistory. The thesis presented by O.Bozhko did not lose its relevance because it is the only comprehensive work about the Ukrainian Soviet Army before the military and political union of 1919. In O.Chihradze’s work there are presented schemes of the Bolshevik forces structure, comparison of the warring parties’ military capability, ethnic composition is mentioned and other issues are considered. Scientific and popular book written by V.Savchenko is an achievement of historiography. The structure of the book shows the author has thorough knowledge in the topic of military events in Ukraine during 1917 – 1921. However V.Savchenko avoid the implication of archival documents and links for the scientific apparatus on which his work is based. In general, the problem of Ukrainian Soviet Army, and later Bolshevik forces that have been operating in Ukraine did not become the subject of a separate research in modern Ukrainian historiography. Every of the mentioned researches who worked in it sown field during scientific analysis draws attention to the different aspects of military construction, military activities of the armed forces of the Ukrainian Soviet government and the institutions that are under its controll. In analyzed works the historians raise the question of chronological boundaries of the military actions, compare strength and combat cap ability the of warring armies, tactical and strategic principles of the activities and others. The combination of these aspects shows that inmodern historiography, onthe background of a large number of works about military construction of the UNR and fight on various fronts, there was formed a common vision for the establishment and activities of the main enemy camp in 1917–1921 years – the Red Army. ItemДіяльність Т. Окуневського у Державній раді під час другої та третьої каденцій (1907–1912 рр.)(Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2014) Мельник, В. М.На основі широкої джерельної бази у статті розглядається діяльність Теофіла Окуневського як депутата Державної ради, розвиток українського парламентаризму у Відні та участь Т. Окуневського в ньому. This dissertation is a complex research of histor ical, ideological, and so cio-political processes and phenomena, which directly influenced the format ion of political beliefs of dr. T. Okunevskyi. On the basis of analysis of archive, published so urces and specialized litera ture the author tries to clarify the historical circumstances of T. Okunevskyi’s worldview formation, to characterize his role in Ukrainian parliamentarism development. He was also a member and founder of Russian and Ukrainian Radical Party and organizer of radical movement on Pokuttia territory. The research defines the meaning of T. Okunevskyi’s activity for Ukrainian organizations development (societies such as “Prosvita” (“Enlightenment”), “Mishchanska Rodyna” (“Bourgeois Family”), “Besida” (“Conversation”), “Tovarystvo Kredytove” (“Crediting Society”), “Narodna Torhovlia” (“People’s Trade”), “Narodna Spilka” (“Public Society), and for Ukrainian Radical Party in Lviv, Horodenka, and Kolomyia. T. Okunevskyi started his social activity in Kolomyia, while studying at high school. He shaped his national beliefs very soon, while formation of his worldview, viewpoints and beliefs in socio-political and nationally-cultural spheres was even longer. T. Okunevskyi’s turning into radical in 80s of XIX cent. was inspired by studying at Vienna University and his membership at Sich students society. It is here that his teachers and colleagues fostered real national spirit and patriotic views. T. Okunevskyi’s character was highly influenced by his striving for cognition of everything new, unusual and interesting and this is how decisive the radical views were. During popular assembly in Kolomyia, T. Okunevskyi delivers successful speech in front of his electors and this speech was the beginning of his political career. This is in Kolomyia Region that he was shaped as a politician and organizer of Ukrainian national movement in that region. T. Okunevskyi also showed his political position and attitude towards his compatriots during political agitation before the elections. T. Okunevskyi conducted agitation himself, he personally went from village to village of his election district and spoke about his program. This event characterizes him as a real people’s ambassador. Being a deputy of Halychyna Seim and ambassador to the State Council (Reichsrat) T. Okunevskyi has not changed his political position of protecting the rights of his compatriots. Basic principles, for which he struggled, were as following: fair elections, new election law, studying in Ukrainian, opening of new educational establishments in Eastern Halychyna. The politician did not neglect church, land issues, and roads construction and repair. By his speeches T. Okunevskyi tackled and frequently solved the most pressing problems of Ukrainian society. T. Okunevskyi was representative of Ukrainian national movement at the state level, meaning public and political figure at the level of state. He lived in Vienna, Lviv and Horodenka, he was two times elected as ambassad or to Halychyna Seim and three times to the Reichsrat, held senior roles in the most important Ukrainian societies and Ukrainian Radical Party. Along with this, he was active, dedicated public figure, worked a lot for the welfare of his compatriots, worked in many spheres of social and political life, he left autobiographic memoirs and political speeches. The resluts of his civil activities were known to most of Halychyna people mainly of those districts, where he lived and worked. But on the scale of all Halychyna T. Okunevskyi was known first of all as a politician and only later as a lawyer. However, all his political successes do not diminish his social work. Okunev skyi was one of leading organisers, leaders of Ukrainian national movement in Halychyna, who tried to realize the idea of independent Ukrainian nation building. ItemПолковник Р. Сушко – учасник Другого зимового походу 1921 року(Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2014) Куций, А. Ф.Показано роль полковника Р. Сушка як керівника 2 групи Київської дивізії на тлі кривавих подій завершального етапу визвольної боротьби українського народу під час ІІ Зимового походу військ УНР. На основі спогадів безпосередніх учасників походу, в тому числі Романа Сушка, проаналізовано і показано підготовку, хід та наслідки фінального етапу боротьби за українське державотворення. The article deals with the events of the final stage of the national liberation struggle 1921rr 1917, the participation of Sich Riflemen, Colonel Roman Sushko in the fighting against the Bolsheviks Volyn group at the Second Winter campaign in 1921. Against the background of contemporary events of the Ukrainian statehood, The role of the former internment camp in Polish Ukrainian military leaders who continued the struggle against the Bolshevik power in Ukraine, forming three groups of military forces. Nowadays, the problem of the November 1921 raid remains relevant because Ukrainian retained in the memory 92 - year bloody pages of these events, and especially the role of the person looks and its influence on the formation of combat capability of one of the groups Winter campaign. In this study show the formation of the governing officials as including rebel - partisan staff, its location and activities in carrying out the uprising against the Bolsheviks. The role of Colonel R. Sushka as head of the Kyiv Division 2 groups on the background of the bloody events of the Second Winter campaign UNR troops. Based on the memoirs of direct participants in the campaign, including Roman Sushko, analyzed the fighting Volyn group defined route and causes of the tragic consequences of the final phase of the struggle for the Ukrainian state. ItemВійськово-політичні аспекти передісторії Галицького князівства(Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2014) Омельчук, Б. А.Із залученням письмових та археологічних джерел проаналізовано боротьбу київських князів за утвердження своєї влади на Прикарпатті до кінця XI ст. Зроблено спробу переглянути існуючі погляди на етапи утвердження великокнязівської влади на цій території. Розглянуто особливості територіального розвитку Прикарпаття та Подністров’я у другій половині X–XI ст. The article involving written and archaeological sources the Kievan princes fight to uphold its authority in the Carpathian region by the end of XI century. An attempt to revise the existing views on the steps of the Grand approval authorities in the area. The features of territorial development Carpathians and the Dniester in the second half of the X-XI centuries. Analyzed tibal dukes activity as war-lords and military organizers against Great Kievan Princes. The appearance of the tribal union of the ancient Slavs in the Carpathian region who took afterwards the name of Croats, could be dated back to the last quarter of the 8th – middle of the 9th cc. The Upper Dniester region together with the nearby territories between the Dniester and the Pruth are considered to be the primary territory the ancient Slavic tribal formation appeared at. Afterwards it gradually extended and covered both sides of the Carpathians. For example the Croats inhabited the upper current of the Tyssa river behind the Carpathians. ItemПоневолення України більшовицькою системою та припинення її репрезентації на міжнародній арені у першій половині XX ст.(Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2014) Дещинський, Л. Є.Розглянуто поневолення української держави та припинення її репрезентації на міжнародній арені у першій половині XX ст. The condition and tendencies of development of the basic of Ukraine on international changes in 1919–1941 is analyzed. ItemКирило Трильовськй – організатор Січового руху у Галичині (кін. XIX – поч. XX ст.)(Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2014) Нагірняк, А. Я.Висвітлено діяльність відомого галицького громадсько-політично діяча Кирила Трильовського, який як представник ліворадикального напряму створив на початку XX ст. в легальних умовах Австро-Угорщини січові організації. The article highlights the work of the famous Galician public figure Cyryl Tryl’ovs’kyi who being a representative of left radical direction in the early twentieth century in legal terms of the Austro-Hungarian created Sich organizations that were the first proto-type of military forces, and later on their basis Ukrainian national connections in the Austrian armed forces were created. It was determined that in addition to officially defined tasks – providing fire security, development of physical training of youth – “Sich “ directed its activities in the extention of education, organization of social life. Within Sich movement many financial institutions and cooperatives appeared. They were considered the economic basis of the national government in the future. The organizational and physical training in the Ukrainian “Sich” contributed to the creation of national military structure within the Austrian Armed Forces before the First World War. During the time of War K. Trylovskyy contributed to the formation of national military units. This paper traces the process of forming social and political views of Cyryl Tryl’ovs’kyi on the background of socio economic and political development of Western lands in the late XIX – early XX century. Even being a student Сyryl Tryl’ovs’kyi entered the Ruthenian-Ukrainian Radical Party which formed its ideological and political views and determined the direction of future life path. Soon the young lawyer became one of the most active and popular party leader. At the seventh congress in October 1898 Cyryl Tryl’ovs’kyi along with Ivan Franko and Michael Pavlik was eleced Chief Executive. Despite the fact that K. Trylovskyy shared the same ideas as Drahomaniv, he always had his stable position, which often led to conflicts with the leadership of the party. The article analyzes the activity Cyryl. Trylovskoho before and during World War I on the formation of national military groups, discovered his role in the creation and deployment of military activities of Sich Legions. He joined the main Ukrainian Council while working as a member of the total Ukrainian Council in Vienna. This paper investigates the role and place of Cyryl Tryl’ovs’kyi in social and political processes of Western Ukraiinian National Republic period. It was stressed that the activity K. Trylovskyy during Western Ukraiinian National Republic was aimed at nation-building. In October 1918 he joined the Ukrainian National Council of Ukraiinian National Republic. During 1918–1919. Cyryl Trylovskyy worked as deputy head of the district department of the National Council in Kolymna, a member of the Committee of Foreign Affairs,he was a member of the military and administrative committee Ukrainian National Republic. In April 1919 K. Trylovskyy was elected to the Regional Land Commission, which implemented the project of agrarian reform. As a member of Ukrainian National Republic he held a special position and supported the need for party building and the reactivation of the Radical Party. At the same period Cyryl Trylovskyy created Peasant – radical club that became the basis of Peasant – Radical Party, and in February 1919, reestablished the publication of radical newspaper “ The public voice” in Colomya. A separate line of investigation is devoted to studying the peculiarities of the Ukrainian youth and national sport organizations and the role of Cyryl Tryl’ovskyi in this movement during interwar period in Poland. After the fall of Western Ukraiinian National Republic Cyryl Trylovskyi worked in the government of Ye.Petrushevych. His political activity was aimed at expantion of Peasant – Radical Party in Eastern Galicia and Ukrainian national council. In 1921 Cyryl Trylovskyy created working sports association “ Sich”, which represented the Ukrainian workers in International competitions in Vienna. Back in Galicia, K. Trylovskyy tried to reactivate the Sich organizations, but under the rule of the Polish government that was practically impossible. At the same time, he positively assessed the national sports movement (‘Sokil’, ‘Plast’) and contributed much to it’s development. ItemПідвалини військової політики гетьмана Павла Скоропадського(Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2014) Барановська, Н. М.Проаналізовано основні засади військової політики гетьмана Павла Скоропадського, роль і місце національних Збройних Сил у державотворчих процесах квітня – грудня 1918 p. Розглянуто державно-правове підгрунтя формування національної армії та її кадрового забезпечення. The article analyses the main principles of hetman Pavlo Skoropadskyj military policy, role and place of national Military Рowers in state creation processes of April – December, 1918 and considers foundations of national army formation and staffing. Though, recently, in the Ukrainian historical science appeared many scientific works that consider questions of the state formation in period of hetmanate, but the problems of army formation are investigated insufficiently. It is necessary to notice, that despite of complexity of mutual relations in the Ukrainian society and all external threats, during the period of Pavlo Skoropadskyj governing, the questions connected with development of an official military state policy gain an accurate outline. Creation of regular national army as guarantor of state sovereignty is first and foremost. The idea of Central rada about replacement of army by national policy has finally been rejected and realisation of program, concerning formation of the regular, professionally trained Armed forces has begun. The legislative base of military support which not only introduced legal framework for formation of the Ukrainian army and fleet, but also guaranteed their development because of the up-to-date military achievements of that time civilised world, has been developed. Considerable reorganisation of the Ukrainian army’s higher command institutions concerning as structural formation, as operative management has taken place. A set of professional educational institutions has been created for military personnel training. It testifies that P. Skoropadskyj was devoted to an idea of the Ukrainian statehood and was well aware of the role of an combat-ready constant army in question of protection of Ukraine from military aggression of other countries. And with that, P. Skoropadskyj’s protective concept did not provide constant army involvement to police within the country, and officer military formations were used only for suppression of political protest actions and country disorders. However, hetman didn’t managed to push the matter through after all, because of the activity of destructive forces and to create real powerful military force, during his short governing, because even the Serdjutska Guards division that consisted of representatives of substantial farmers and was considered as a support of hetmanate, has come over the side o the Directory. ItemАнтибританська політична карикатура у Німеччині як засіб пропаганди у період Першої світової війни(Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2014) Питльована, Л. Ю.Проаналізовано антибританську політичну карикатуру у Німеччині як засіб пропаганди у період Першої світової війни. Досліджено особливості політичної карикатури як історичного джерела: система організації пропаганди у кайзерівській Німеччині. Розглядаються образи, сюжети та персонажі карикатур, їх семантичне значення. Аналізується вплив антибританської карикатури на формування негативних стереотипів у німецькому суспільстві. The article is devoted to analyzing of anti-British political cartoons in Germany as propaganda methods during World War I. The features of political cartoons as a historical source; the system of propaganda in Imperial Germany are investigated. The images, the plots and the cartoons characters, their semantic meaning are considered. Influence of anti-British cartoons on formation of negative stereotypes in German society is analyzed. ItemФормування наукових уявлень про козацьку клинкову зброю: від др. пол. XIX ст. до сучасності(Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2014) Тоїчкін, Д. В.У статті розглянуто історію розвитку наукових уявлень про козацьку зброю від кінця ХІХ ст. до нашого часу. Проаналізовано українську, російську та європейську наукову історіографію. Вивчається шабля, відома як особиста зброя “можливо самого” гетьмана Юрія Хмельницького. Проаналізувавши характеристики шаблі, автор доходить висновку, що у цьому предметі поєднано риси різних історичних перідодів. Цей зразок, сумлінно виконаний “за історичними мотивами”, створює справжній прецедент, розширюючи поле для наукової дискусії щодо вигляду української карабелі, оправленої центрально- чи східноукраїнськими золотарями у другій половині XVIII ст. The article deals with the history of scientific concepts about Cossack cold steel from the late nineteenth century to the present. Author analyses Ukrainian, Russian and European scientific historiography. For now in Ukraine have already been created sufficient theoretical, methodological and technical base, and also have been taken the first practical steps towards a comprehensive solution of weaponology problems with contemporary scientific level. The identification of Ukrainian weapons is the actual problem now. This fact evidenced not only by increasing in quantity and quality polemical articles, but the appearance on the antiques market of artifacts, that form misconceptions about the original Cossack weapons in collector and even scholar community. In this regard, the appearance on the Ukrainian market of antique saber, known as a personal weapon “perhaps of Hetman Yurii Khmelnytsky itself” was an important event. After studying of characteristics of saber, the author concludes that style of sample combines the features of different historical periods. If the saber is a fake, it could be produced only in modern times, when the serious scientific research on Ukrainian arts, crafts and morphology of Eastern European bladed weapons have been published. One should note that the appearance of such creation must speed up scientific studies of antique Ukrainian cold steel. This pattern, made in “faithful historical style”, creates a real precedent for expanding the field of scientific discussions about the morphology of Ukrainian karabela, made by craftsmen of Central or Eastern Ukraine in the second half of the 18th century. Thus in the late 19th century, the heyday of the industry of fakes, none of the famous Ukrainian collectors or respected scientists already could not clearly explain how specifically would look like authentic Ukrainian sabre. The name “Cossack” is usually referred to the samples of Ottoman, Persian, Central Asian and Eastern European bladed weapons dating from 18 to 19th centuries. The similar concept accepted in contemporary museum collections of Ukraine. At present the problem of identifying of Ukrainian cold steel of the early modern time is more relevant than ever. Many questions regarding the origin, development and distribution of Cossack armament are still unresolved. ItemКістень у Галицькому та Волинському князівствах (X–XIV ст.)(Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2014) Терський, С. В.Проаналізовано тапологічні особливості ударної зброї X–XVI ст. – кістенів, знайдених на землях Волинського та Галицького князівств. Обгрунтовується висновок про місцеві особливості видовго складу кістенів. War-flails belongs to the axe type of weapon and consists of a weigh fastened to the handle with a flexible gążwa (eg. a thong). Flail fight was based on quick circular movements of the thong and weighs and hitting. As early as 3000 BC this type of weapon originated from the mace-like objects with holes containg thong fragments. The alleged exemplars of this type of weapon are associated with the 3rd – 4th cent. Sarmatian tombs. The earliest flails in the early medieval Europe appeared among the Avars (7th – 8th cent.) later (second half of the 8th – 10th cent.) they became popular among the Khazars. This type of weapon was astonishingly popular in Ruthenia, where it appeared probably thanks to the Khazars, beaten in 965 AD by the Duke Svyatoslav. In the next centuries (to be more precise – till the 16th century) flails became one of the most distinctive features of the Old Ukrainian culture.The current collection of flails found in Halych and Volynian land consists of more than 50 artefacts and their parts. Nine of them were made of bones and horns (pict. 1), others – of iron, lead and bronze (pict. 2).Type I (Kirpičnikov classification) is represented by the artefacts made of bones and horns. The earlier artefacts of the Avar and Khazar stands in Ruthenia are dated on the second half of the 10 th to the 13 th cent. Flails from Halych, Plisnesk, Stupnycia, Cherven, Zvenygorod, castle near Shepetivka and castle Bozok are included in this type. There are some images associated with the Rurykowicze symbols which are placed on the artefacts from Zvenygorod; they can be dated on the 11 th-13 th cent. The flail from Cherven case looks similar. This unique exemplar has two relief images of the Ukrainian dignitary – Boyar as well as the image of half-woman and half-bird with a fish-like tail. The artefacts from Zvenygorod and castle Bozok is dated on the first half of the 12 th–13 th cent. and has a haracteristic iron mandrel used for the thong fastening. The last one belonging to this type of flails is the one from Zvenygorod; due to its form has no direct analogies in the published material. It is dated on the second half of the 10 th – 13 th cent. which is proved by the artefacts accompanying it. Iron flails represent type II (Dorogobuzh, Zelenche, Cherven, castle near Shepetivka) and type IV (Peremyl). Due to the unclear character of the finding, the first one can be dated on the second half of the 10 th-13 th cent. Among bronze flails we can distinguish type IIA (Peresopnycia) and IIIA (Halychyna) which are examples of the greatest Old Ukrainian craftsmen artistry. These flails, primarily cast in copper forms mainly by the southern Ruthenian craftsmen are richly decorated in the manner characteristic for the 12 th-13 th cent. Because of that they were probably more a warrior status symbol than a real weapon. It is worth mentioning that the artefact from Gorodok due to its small size is treated like a toy. The presence of flails on the western Ukrainian borders, belonging in the past to the Halych-Volynian kingdom cannot be surprising. They constituted an inseparable element of the old Ukrainian culture. Their splendid character indicates their value, certifying the high social and political status of the owners. Some of them were probably produced in that locatio. ItemДжерельна база історії професійних спілок Східної Галичини до початку та в роки Першої світової війни(Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2014) Берест, І. Р.Проаналізовано стан розвитку джерельної бази історії профспілок та профспілкового руху та в роки Першої світової війни, вказано на нові, досі не відому документи з цієї тематики, окреслно перспективи наукового дослідження. Research topic of the trade union movement in Eastern Galicia before and during the First World War biennium is very interesting and the aim of this study is the demonstration of sources, which then form the basis of a monumental work. The main group of sources are materials that are encountered in the formation and activities of trade unions (trade union policy documents, representations of strike committees, leaders of trade union organizations). The peculiarity of these sources is that they reflect the spirit of the age and diversity of current, especially for workers and trade unions issues. The importance of a multifaceted study of the history of the trade union movement in Ukraine is connected, first, with a relatively narrow range of processed sources. Secondly, the theme of the trade union movement is a versatile and multi-faceted and many of its aspects require deeper and more thorough study. Thirdly, studied topic provides rich material for scientific study of other key issues of history of Eastern Galicia, including: management in the province, economic and social development, the rise of Ukrainian national movement and so on. Fourth, in terms of building democratic institutions of independent Ukrainian state analysis and accumulation of historical experience in the area of development of trade-union movement have both especially scientific and the practical value applied. The basis of the study was a source base set of published documents and records (including electronic media) that reflect the historical background and direct processes for the origin, formation and development of the trade union movement in Eastern Galicia before and during the First World War. To understand the problem, first of all, we should distinguish the sources that have arisen in the formation and activities of trade union organizations - policy documents unions, their correspondence and information analysis, representations of strike committees, leaders of trade union organizations. An important group of historical sources are published laws and other national and regional regulations that define the legal framework of society, the functioning of trade unions and their socio-political and socio-economic priorities. Important role also belongs to the electoral law, including its evolution from the class and two-stage electoral system – to the common electoral law. In the separate group of sources it is possible to select the of that time press, primarily working and trade-union, the publication of which is significantly more active at the end of 60th – at the beginning of 70th of the XIX century. At the turn of the ХІХ – ХХ centuries, in connection with radicalization of social life, appears specialized press. If earlier the prob lems of western Ukrainian workers lighted up next to questions importance questions for farmers (mainly) middle class and other segments of the population of that time, the emergence of such publications, like “Pratcia” or “Robitnykh” showed the increasing influence of the workers in the social and political processes. Separate groups of sources are more or less informative saturated, but together they provide the necessary factual basis for a holistic, objective study of the genesis of the trade union movement in Eastern Galicia in the ХІХ - early ХХ centuries. In general, the study of the history of the trade union movement in Eastern Galicia before and during the First World War biennium is extremely important and necessary in terms of studying the history of trade unions in the Ukrainian lands, which are not always adequately and properly covered and, in fact, is still largely unknown. In this context particular importance is the study of assumptions, features and processes that affect the origin, formation and development of the trade union movement in estern Ukraine during the Austrian government. ItemПредмети середньовічного озброєння з Чорнівського городища першої половини XIII ст. (дослідження 2012 р.)(Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2014) Пивоваров, С. В.; Калініченко, В.Проаналізовано предмети озброєння дального та ближнього бою, а саме наконечники стріл, та бронзове руків'я середньовічного меча, виявлені під час дослідження Чорнівського городища першої половини XIII ст. у 2012 р. Здійснено типологізаці. та аналіз Буковинни та дають змогу простежити взаємовідносини військоговго континенту Чорнівського городища із суміжними територіями Русі та Європи у XIII ст. This article analyzes of armaments and long-range melee, such as arrowheads and bronze pommel handle medieval sword found during research Chornivska hillfort first half of the XIII century in 2012. The authors typology and analysis of armaments. The authors introduced into scientific circulation quite rare for the region discovery, namely head bronze finial medieval sword hilt, which was discovered on the Chornivka hillfort first half of XIII century in 2012. Argued that the head pommel sword has baltic origin. Detection allows us to trace and find more to explore military affairs of the local population, in particular to trace mutual troop Chornivka hillfort with adjacent territories of Russia and Europe in the XIII century. The purpose of this study is to put into circulation actually first discovery details of the sword, which clearly can be attributed to XII – early XIII сеntury from Siret territory to the Middle Dniester river interfluve, namely head pommel or handle of a medieval sword and a comprehensive review of the findings, it’s analysis, interpretation and implementation types. Consequently, the typology A. Kirpichnikova by their morphological features head pommel sword with Chornivka hillfort of the type I – swords with bronze cross bronze pommel with five or seven parts. The shape of the pommel blades of this type are similar to swords such as K, S, and T1 by typologically V. K azakyavichusa. Bronze swords of the given type, as indicated by A. Kirpichnikov with cast ornament with circles characteristic of romance art ХІІ century. This type of sword was the inscription on the blade. All findings of this type swords found in the settlements and burials of the XII–XIII century. ItemПочатки формування армії УНР восени 1917 року(Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2014) Зінкевич, Р. Д.Досліджено початки формування армії УНР та створення вищих државних військових органів 1917 року. Показано помилки Центральної Ради у військовому будівництві, які згодом призвели до низької боєздатності Армії УНР. The article is about the study of the beginnings of the Ukrainian People’s Army formation and the creation of the senior state military authorities in autumn 1917. The research shows the mistakes of the Central Council regarding the military construction, that further led to the low Ukrainian National Army fighting efficiency. There were major political changes in Russia in autumn 1917. The Bolsheviks came to power after the armed revolution. This change of the political situation had influence on the course of events in Ukraine. During this period the Central Council finished the forming of the Ukrainian national military organizational structures and the creation of the UNA bases. A characteristic feature of that period was a rapid evolution from the spontaneous methods to the emersion of the national state military policy elements, that ultimately led to the appearance of the UNR Armed Forces main body. Against anti-militarist policy of the Central Council, aimed at the elimination of the regular army and replacing it to a people’s militia, all events led to the creation of the Armed Forces as one of the state attributes. In the end of November 1917 the Ukrainian military movement reached the stage of organizational appearance, despite all mistakes in the military construction. There were senior military authorities: General Military Secretariat, that served as the National Ministry of Defence, General Staff, National Military Council and military councils on different levels of the fields. Two military districts Kyiv and Odessa also were subordinated to the Ukrainian authority. In addition, the creation of the Ukrainian Front and the appointment by the Military Secretariat for it relevant chiefs completed the process of formal submission of all parts of the former Russian army on the Ukrainian territory to the UNR government. Ukrainian military schools started training of national military personnel. Therefore, we can state that in November 1917 there was established the UNR Army. It consisted of differently typed formations. According to the ways or methods of organization they could be divided into several types: arbitrary, those that appeared spontaneously; revolutionary, whose creation often started from spontaneous revolutionary movement, and then were recognised as the official authority; planned structures – ukrainianized and newly created units, that had to become the main body of a regular national army. However, the fighting efficiency of the UNA still remained low. ItemУкраїнське питання в політиці провідних держав напередодні великої війни (1914–1918 рр.)(Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2014) Мазур, О. Я.; Баран, І. В.Розглянуто значення українських земель для країн-учасниць Першої світової війни. Проаналізовано плани та цілі кожної з держав, які входили до складу різних воюючих блоків, відносно загарбання українських земель. The Entente and Triple Alliance – the two military-political alliances which had the relation to the beginning of the First World War, planned to lead the would-be war with the aim of enlarging their economical and political influences and for new outlet while redividing of the previously had already divided world. In this war Ukraine, as the largest European country of those without its own government, and having numerous labor and material resources and very convenient geographical location – had become a target of the comparative rival countries. Ukraine had become a center of a particular international attention. The matter of “Ukrainian question” which appeared in those days international politics could be explained by the absence of any kind of the independent state, territorial division of Ukraine, unsatisfied material, national and cultural conditions of Ukrainian people. The “Ukrainian question” became one of the most important reasons of European destabilization of the international relations in Europe, which in its own way provoked two military-political alliances to the conflict. The Russian Empire, from one side and Germany and the Austria-Hungary from the other one treated the question of the conquest of the Ukrainian lands as one with the most important priority. Besides, while eastern part of Ukraine, so called –Naddniprianska Ukraine - stayed a part of the Russian Empire, the last one wanted to conquer western Ukraine. On the other hand, as Austria-Hungary ruling western Ukrainian lands, claimed its rights to eastern Ukraine. Having started the war, the Russian Empire planned to conquer lands of Eastern Galicia, Northern Bukovina and Transcarpatia. It would let them solve two tasks: at first – to broaden the border of the Russian Empire and, at the same time, weaken or even destroy their western opponent; at second – to completely squelch the organising centres of Ukrainian liberation movements in Galicia, which not occasionally was called “Ukrainian Piemont”. The burglarious character of its intentions, Russian propaganda managed to hide by the will to unite the all Russian lands, of which, of course, Ukrainian lands were a part of. During the war, the Austria-Hungary Empire, aimed to strengthen their positions in Western Ukraine and unite to its lands the other inhabited by Ukrainians territories, in particular, Volyn and Podillia. It would let them enhance their influence on Slavic nations of the Empire (Poles, Czechs, Slovaks), and tend to be the most influential country in the Slavic world. The German Empire struggled for the expanding of its lands by conquering eastern and southern Ukraine – the most economically developed Ukrainian regions. Among German politicians the question of Ukraine was thought as essential, needed to defeat the Russian Empire. The German authority paid much attention to military actions held on Ukrainian lands, finding it as one of the most important scenes of the World War. Germans didn’t exclude the creation of formally separate Ukrainian state formed on the reclaimed from the Russian Empire lands. ItemОсобливості ведення бою із застосуванням клинкової зброї в XIII–XV ст.(Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2014) Гринчишин, Б. В.Розглянуто методи ведення бою. Із застосування різних видів клинкової зброї, насамперед меча, кинджала, Проаналізовано писемні середньовічні джерела, присвячені фехтуваню, що переконують про існування ще в добу середньовіччя певних технік застосування мечів та інших видів клинкової зброї. In this article we examined the methods of fighting with different types of bladed weapons, especially the swords, daggers. We pay a special attention to the analysis of medieval manuscripts dedicated which provide reasoned evidence to confirm the existence of some techniques of using swords and other bladed weapons in the Middle Ages. They debunk the established notion that the Middle Ages technique of warfare was like a “primitive fight.” These manuscripts usually are very well illustrated. Such format caused by because of illiteracy of theirs readers and interest in the visual presentation, which promotes better assimilation of the latest techniques of combat. Attention is focused on two main schools of fencing: German, represented by such masters as Johannes Liechtenauer, Hanko Doebringer and Hans Talhoffer and Italian (Fiore dei Liberi, Filippo Wadi). We analyze the development of methods of warfare at the turn of the Middle Ages and Renaissance. It should be noted - the art of fencing experienced a dynamic change during this period. That was primarily associated with improvement of old and inventing new types of weapons as well as soldier`s protective gear. The most important for us is the information that the latest design of the methods of warfare, widespread in medieval Europe, was reflected in military conflicts of the Principality of Galicia–Volhynia by engaging mercenary troops or personal practice princes. ItemПозиція провідних польських партій Російського імперії напередодні та на початку Першої світової війни(Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2014) Морушко, О. О.; Матієшин, Л. М.Висвітлено позицію провідних польських партій Російської імперії та на початку Першої cвітової війни. Викрито та проаналізовано основні причини їх процарських позиції. The investigation of the various aspects and preconditions targeting influential Polish political parties on different political camps before the First World War, has a great interest for researchers of modern Polish history. The activities of Polish forces, which functioned on the territory of the Russian Empire at that time, had a significant impact on the historical development. From the first days of the war the absolute majority of the Polish right parties of the Kingdom of Poland took a pronounced attitude supporting the tsarism. The activity of the influential Polish People’s Democratic Party, known by shortened name – endeky, became the particularly striking example of this policy. The book of a leader of this party R. Dmowski –“Germany, Russia and the Polish question” became the ideological substantiation of the endeky’s politics. The Party of real politicks shared the same ideas and similar position as the endeky did. This party was created in 1904. The party united in its ranks the Polish land barons, the big bourgeoisie, the intelligentsia associated with it and higher Catholic clergy. After the revolution of 1905 – 1907, the Party of real politicks actively collaborated with endeky. The same concept was also taken by the two types of progressivities: Progressive Party and the Polish progressive association. Endeky and their leader R. Dmowski as the most important target of their activity decided to defeat Germany, regardless of the outcome of the war for Poland. The Polish question for endeky at the beginning of the war had secondary importance. That is why, endeky and their leader R. Dmowski at the beginning of the war considered it as domestic issue of tsarist Russia. Thus, we can conclude that the most of the Polish nobility and wealthy citizens indirectly through parties, which expressed their interests – endekiv and realists, actively supported the idea of unification of all Polish lands within Tsarist Russia under the tsarist authorities at the beginning of the First World War. ItemУкладення та реалізація домовленостей між Австро-Угорщиною та УНР у Брест-Литовському 1918 р.: уроки дипломатичної боротьби(Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2014) Уська, У. Р.На основі архівних матеріалів та мемуарів здійнено спробу дослідити політичне значення на наслідки домовленостей між Автро-Угорщиною та УНР 1918 р. у рамках колективного Берестейського мирного договору, розкрити причини ліквідаці Таємного протоколу та зволікання Автро-Угорщини ратифікувати договір, висвітлии позицію української сторони стосовно спірних питань. On the basis of the archived materials and memoirs an attempt to investigate a political value on the consequences of agreements between Austria-Hungary and UNR in 1918 within the framework of the collective Treaty of Brest-Litovsk is carried out in the article, to expose reasons of liquidation of the Secret protocol and delay of Austria-Hungary to ratify an agreement, light up position of the Ukrainian side in relation to the vexed questions. The analysis of tactics of delegation of UNR on negotiations in Brest-Litovsk allows to assert that the young Ukrainian diplomats at first skillfully took advantage of foreign-policy and socio-economic difficulties of the Central Powers with the aim of providing of national interests. They succeeded to fasten in Treaty of Brest-Litovsk and Secret protocol the strategic requirements: confession of UNR by the countries of the Central Powers, transmission of UNR of part of the Province of Cholm and Podljaska, creation in the Cisleitania of the Ukrainian autonomy from the East Galicia and North Bukovina. However delegation of UNR it admits a few serious tactical miscalculations, that leveled the above-mentioned achievements afterwards. In particular, Ukrainians agreed to the conclusion of secret treaty and on the unrealistic volumes of supplying with bread in short spaces, and except it, allowed to delegation of Austria-Hungary to subordinate implementation of these agreements one from other. Reasons of miscalculations were excessive propensity of the Ukrainian diplomats to political hazardous activity, groundless maximalism in requirements and absence of diplomatic experience. Leaning on non-fulfillment by Ukraine of obligation about delivery to the Central Powers of bread by a volume in 1 million ton 31.07.1918 to, Austria-Hungary gave not only up realization of terms of Secret protocol but also from ratification of Treaty of Brest-Litovsk. And this fact put under a doubt completion of World War I at the East front, confession of UNR, as the independent state, and also existence of any state boundaries. After a general consent Germany and Austria-Hungary violated the terms of deposit storage of Secret protocol and his returning the Ukrainian side. Also the Empire resorted to the unprecedented in history of diplomacy step: on the consent of the ally of Germany liquidated the Ukrainian copy of Secret protocol from 8.02.1918, by such method to barrier itself from contingent claims of Ukrainian. Reason of consent of hetman on non-fulfillment it is needed to see Austria-Hungary of terms of protocol in strengthening of military-political dependence of Ukraine from the Central Powers, by absence in international practice of mechanism for realization of collusions. At these terms any public requirement of hetman to Austria-Hungary about fulfilling commitment in relation to creation of the Ukrainian province could not only cause international scandal and blowup and so shaky foreign-policy positions of the Ukrainian state, but also negatively to influence on of home policy.