Українська національна ідея: реалії та перспективи розвитку. – 2015. – Випуск №27

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Збірник наукових праць

У збірнику наукових праць розглянуто різні аспекти суспільно-політичного розвитку України, особливості вітчизняного та зарубіжного державотворчого процесу, основні тенденції розвитку міжнародних відносин і зовнішньої політики країн світу. Для державних, політичних, громадських діячів, науковців та студентів.

Українська національна ідея: реалії та перспективи розвитку : збірник наукових праць / Міністерство освіти і науки України, Національний університет "Львівська політехніка", Національна академія наук України, Інститут народознавства, Інститут українознавства імені Івана Крип’якевича. – Львів : Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2015. – Випуск 27. – 168 с.

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Зміст до збірника "Українська національна ідея: реалії та перспективи розвитку", випуск 27
(Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2015)
Організації національних та етнічних меншин у сучасному польському законодавстві
(Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2015) Шипка, Наталія
Проаналізовано політико-правовий аспект легітимації громадських організацій національних та етнічних меншин в Республіці Польща. Зазначено, що сформоване законодавче поле гарантує необхідні умови для створення та діяльності громадських організацій меншин, що задовольняють власні освітні, культурні, мовні та інші права. The paper discusses the political and legal legitimation aspects of public organizations of national and ethnic minorities in Poland. The author investigates the Polish legislation and the international law implementation concerning the establishment of these organizations and their activities. The current legislation ensures the necessary conditions for their existence to meet their educational, cultural, language and other rights. The organizations of national and ethnic minorities in Poland ensure an active dialogue between the state and the minorities. The research is based on the legislation and international agreements of the Republic of Poland from 1989 to 2008, covering legal aspects of the public organizations of the national and ethnic minorities. The research shows that individuals belonging to the national and ethnic minorities are members of the Joint Commission of the Government and National and Ethnic Minorities that is an advisory body to the Prime Minister. It is concluded that the political and legal status of the national and ethnic minorities in Poland corresponds to the internationally recognised fundamental human rights and freedoms. The analysis of the Polish legislation makes it possible to conclude that the right of the ethnic minorities to establish the organizations is not completely regulated and it is guaranteed as part of the universal human rights in numerous legal acts, international agreements and other legal documents.
Проблема націоналізму у контексті розширення ЄС
(Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2015) Луцишин, Галина
Розглянуто проблему націоналізму у контексті розширення ЄС, наголошено, що націоналізм властивий не лише країнам, що розвиваються, а й багатьом демократичним державам Європи. Доведено, що зростання націоналізму в країнах Європи зумовлене значною мірою міграцією народів до Європи з країн Азії та Африки, в результаті чого багато націоналістичних партій виступає за припинення євроінтеграції та збільшення повноважень національних урядів. The article deals with the problem of nationalism in the context of the EU enlargement. It is emphasised that nationalism is characteristic of not only developing countries but also many democracies in Europe. The political program of nationalism is based on a nation obtaining a state and combining its national identity with a territorial one. The practice suggests that at early stages of its development nationalism was treated as a kind of revolutionary ideology and movements. Later it acquired conservative and expansionist features and is currently represented by nationalist parties. The author argues that there are a variety of factors influencing the growth of nationalism in European countries, including a threatened limitation of national sovereignty of EU member states as a result of European integration, legal and illegal migration from Asian and African countries to Europe, more active nationalist parties and movements. The number of European countries where nationalists prevail during elections grows every year (Switzerland, Belgium, Sweden, the Netherlands, Finland, Scotland, Ireland, Austria, Greece). Most radical right parties in Europe speak for the suspension of European integration and the return of significant authority to the national governments. Much attention is paid to the analysis of the activities of radical right parties in European countries. For example, a lot of representatives of the radical right parties who are critical about the EU enlargement or even speak for the collapse of the EU were elected to the European Parliament in 2014, including the National Front (France) that has 24 representatives (compared to only three of them in the past), the UK Independence Party with 26% of votes (seeks the UK’s withdrawal from the EU), Danish People’s Party, a Greek radical left party «Syriza» and a neo-fascist radical right party «Golden Dawn». The radical right parties of the Netherlands, Hungary, Bulgaria, Germany, Finland, Poland, Lithuania and other countries have also won seats in the European Parliament. The support of the Russian Federation policy is another special feature of the European radical right parties. For example, experts of the Political Capital Institute (Hungary) point out that15 out of 25 far-right parties in Europe support Russia.
Особливості партнерства між Україною та Вишеградською групою у контексті сучасних геополітичних викликів
(Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2015) Турчин, Ярина
Проаналізовано особливості партнерства між Україною та Вишеградською групою на сучасному етапі розвитку міжнародної системи. Обґрунтовано потребу переосмислення функцій Вишеграду. Зроблено висновок про те, що Вишеградська четвірка попри наявність розбіжностей щодо українсько-російського конфлікту на офіційному рівні все ж підтримує позицію України, є зацікавленою у співпраці з Києвом з метою формування зони безпеки, стабільності та демократичного політичного режиму. The article analyses the features of the partnership between Ukraine and the Visegrad group at the current stage of the international system development. It is proved that both the transformational experience of the Central European countries and the search for allies, having a real influence on the intensification of the relations of Kyiv with Brussels and NATO, are of great importance for the Ukrainian community. The author substantiates the need for reconsidering the functions of the Visegrad Four, revealing the most favourable cooperation mechanisms with Ukraine under conditions of the reinforcement of separatist movements, terrorist organisations and Russian external aggression. The current conflict in eastern Ukraine shows that the Russian Federation totally ignores the international law and order and it is regarded as an impetus to a new stage of the Visegrad Four development. The settlement of the armed confrontation by means of the EU tools, the provision of the comprehensive support to Ukraine in the process of the European integration and strengthening its international image as a democratic European state are considered to be predominant. On the other hand, a successful implementation of the European foreign policy by Kyiv combined with effective internal reforms is an important precondition for the full realisation of the national interests by the Visegrad Four countries in the international arena. The paper concludes that the Visegrad Group supports Ukraine despite the existence of disagreements concerning the Ukrainian-Russian conflict at the official level and it is interested in cooperation with Kyiv to establish a security zone, stability and a democratic political regime.
Нова громадська дипломатія та особливості її реалізації у сучасних умовах
(Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2015) Сухорольська, Ірина
Розглянуто тенденції розвитку громадської/публічної дипломатії під впливом процесів глобалізації та поширення нових технологій. Досліджено коло учасників, технологічне та медіасередовище, методи, а також особливості практичної реалізації нової громадської дипломатії. На основі цього надано відповідні рекомендації для посилення позиції України в інформаційному протиборстві. Public diplomacy is an activity of an international actor aimed at communication with a foreign audience. In the 2000s it undergoes substantial transformations, primarily under the influence of globalisation and new technologies. The article attempts to highlight the features of the new public diplomacy. In particular, the author investigates the participants, the technological and media environment as well as the public diplomacy tools. It is concluded that the states remain the influential participants of the international communication but they have to compete with the non-governmental organisations which are more adaptive, expansive and networked. Besides, new technologies possess great potential for the public diplomacy development. However, their impact is sometimes unpredictable and the initiative can be taken over by the competitors. The author considers the distinctive methods of the new public diplomacy, namely relationship and network building, involving a wide range of domestic and foreign nongovernmental organisations, reinforcing the viral trends based on triggering events, combining technologies and instruments and using a reasonable individual approach. Other peculiarities of the new public diplomacy include its horizontal structure, convergence of external and internal audiences, combining strategic approach with the need for the instant reaction as well as a strong competition between state and non-state actors. The paper also focuses on applying the methods of the viral information dissemination in the international relations. On the basis of the studies of the internet-memes spreading, the recommendations for strengthening the Ukraine’s position in the information warfare with Russia are given. It is concluded that Ukraine needs the implementation of the new public diplomacy strategies involving the Russian audience and covering the issues of positive effects of democratic reforms in Ukraine.
Співробітництво ЄС та МЕРКОСУР як приклад для подальшої інтеграції України
(Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2015) Олійник, Юлія
Враховуючи, що найголовнішою складовою економічного та політичного розвитку будь-якої держави, що визначає її майбутнє, та констатуючи, що сьогодні консолідація держав охопила майже усі континенти, а більшість інтеграційних об’єднань носить не лише економічний, але й політичний характер, в роботі досліджено інтеграційне об’єднання Південної Америки, а саме – МЕРКОСУР та його співробітництво з Європейським Союзом. Досвід співпраці двох інтеграційних проектів є надзвичайно актуальним і для України, яка сьогодні продовжує інтеграційний поступ до євроспільноти. The author investigates the activities of such organisations as Mercosur and the EU in order to ascertain the effectiveness of the most powerful intergovernmental unions that include most countries of two different continents and each of them claims to be a leader in its part of the world. These integration associations not only implement a common economic policy but they have also achieved significant success in common political and social spheres. The EU–Mercosur relations are constantly developing towards strengthening their cooperation and establishing closer economic ties such as the Free Trade Agreement (FTA). Therefore, the investigation and comparison of the various aspects of the integration processes in Europe and South America are considered to be necessary as the results of such research can serve as an analytical basis for establishing further relations between Ukraine and the European Union today. The history of Mercosur as well as the development of the European Union began with the economic union of the countries. The market of the «Southern Cone» in comparison with the EU is a rather new organisation but for twenty-three years of its existence it has already proved its effectiveness and achieved its first results. The author points out that at the current stage of its development the EU is not a purely economic organisation but it has already become a political union of the member countries. The authorities of this Latin American association intend to transform it into a closer alliance following the EU example. The author describes Mercosur and the EU as the international organisations that consolidated the states into one common area being the consolidating authorities of these countries in Europe and South America. The study of the integration processes on two different continents can help to develop the appropriate foreign policy direction for our country.
Особливості зовнішньої політики урядового кабінету Народної партії Іспанії (2011–2014 рр.)
(Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2015) Матлай, Любава
З’ясовано, що на зовнішню політику урядового кабінету правоцентристської Народної партії Іспанії негативно вплинула світова економічна криза, яка значно звузила міжнародну діяльність парламентської монархії. Розглянуто економічну дипломатію як пріоритетну в діяльності зовнішньополітичного відомства. The paper analyses the main features of Spain’s foreign policy and geostrategic priorities. It discusses the role of the changes that took place in the Spanish government in 2011. The author underlines the need for modernising the international priorities. It is emphasised that the financial crisis has a significant impact on the Spanish foreign policy. The Spanish government, headed by Prime Minister M. Rajoy, has initiated numerous reforms in an attempt to deal with the crisis. Spain’s foreign policy traditionally focuses on the European Union (EU), the Mediterranean and Latin America. In Spain the EU is regarded as a guarantor of Spanish democracy and economic development. Supporting the EU initiatives, Spain pays more attention to the national interests. The Europeanisation of Spain has two dimensions: the capacity for pursuing the Brussels policy at the domestic level and the ability to use its national preferences in the EU decision-making process. Unlike the previous governments of J. M. Aznar (1996–2004) and J. L. Rodriguez Zapatero (2004–2011), the current administration of M. Rajoy fully recognises the pivotal value of the European foreign policy coordination. The position that Spain defends in the EU is to «coordinate, coordinate and coordinate again». The Mediterranean remains important for the country’s foreign relations. Spain plays a crucial role in Latin America and it is second (behind the USA) when it comes to foreign aid in the region. The USA and Spain have long-standing relationships based on shared interests and values both at the bilateral and multilateral levels. Spain committed itself to defending global security, democratic values and human rights within a multilateral framework. This country is an excellent partner at the multilateral level and it successfully cooperates with the United Nations (UN), the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and other institutions.
Україна–ОБСЄ: активізація співробітництва у формуванні європейської системи безпеки та стабільності
(Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2015) Ільницька, Уляна
Охарактеризовано основні етапи та напрямки співробітництва України з ОБСЄ під час формування європейської системи безпеки та стабільності. Проаналізовано форми співпраці України та ОБСЄ у врегулюванні регіональних та міжнародних конфліктів, у стабілізації ситуації на Європейському континенті, розглянуто спільні безпекові проекти, миротворчі місії та операції. Велику увагу зосереджено на результатах головування України в ОБСЄ у 2013 р. Проаналізовано роль ОБСЄ у врегулюванні конфлікту Україна–Російська Федерація. In this article it has been investigated the topical problem of forming the European system of Security and stability via the active cooperation between Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and Ukraine (as a OSCE member state). OSCE is considered to be a priority security institution, the main task of which is to prevent conflicts with the help of means of preventive diplomacy, to regulate crisis and post-conflict reconstruction. OSCE plays the main role in the establishing of the European system of entire and equal security. Moreover, OSCE is the only transatlantic security organization, where Ukraine has been the full-fledged member since 1992. The article mainly focuses on the research of different forms and mechanisms of cooperation between Ukraine and OSCE. It is emphasized that Ukraine as the full-fledged member of this security organization plays constructive unifying role in the international security dialog, promotes security in the European region in the political, military, economic, ecological and other dimensions, which in its turn ensures stability in Ukraine. The article dwells in detail on the main stages and areas of cooperation between Ukraine and OSCE in forming the European system of security and stability and elucidates the specific features of activity of our country in regional security dialog. The active cooperation between Ukraine and OSCE results in effective international peacemaking activity of our country, carrying out the joint measures of counteractions of unconventional threats, such as growth of international terrorism, anti-Semitism, intolerance and increasing of conflictogenity in regions. The research focuses on the role of Ukraine as the full-fledged member of OSCE in regulation of «frozen» conflicts; it also highlights the expansion of Ukrainian mission within the OSCE missions and structures.
Членство Польщі в Європейському Союзі: військово-політичний вимір
(Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2015) Івасечко, Ольга
Акцентовано увагу на проблемі вдосконалення другої опори ЄС, а саме: Спільної зовнішньої політики і політики безпеки ЄС. Сфокусовано увагу на тому, що внесок Польщі як члена ЄС у вирішення цієї проблеми, можна розглядати неоднозначно. Позитивом виступає можливість Польщі посісти одне з ключових місць у процесі перетворення ЄПБО на ефективний механізм забезпечення безпеки всередині ЄС та можливо і в регіоні близького оточення Співтовариства. Негативною тенденцією є процес гальмування ЄПБО і СЗППБ, орієнтуючись насамперед лише на НАТО, відсутність політичної волі керівництва Польщі дійти згоди із європейськими партнерами. In this article the attention is paid to the problem of improving ‘the second pillar’ of the EU – that is the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the EU, which is actual according to the progress of current international events. It is emphasized that the security environment of both the world and Europe in particular, is not constant, but it undergoes constant changes and needs an effective response of member-countries to the new challenges and threats which are emerging now. The article states that the CSDP is unlikely to become the initiative for the EU, since apart from high-profile titles like «Battle Groups» and «fundamental priority», there are no historical practice of special operations. It is told that these changes are especially important for new members of the European Security and Defense Policy, that is, the States which have recently entered the European family. It has been pointed out that the US is no longer to act as a world policeman: countries that benefit from «American Peace» and the results of free trade and the rule of law and those who also share the generalWestern view of human rights, have a duty to help USA to maintain an order. First of all, the new EU member-countries should turn from the role of «consumers» of security to the role of the «creators», particularly in the European region. The attention is focused on the fact that the contribution of Poland as a new and quite promising member of the EU to the solving of this problem can be seen from a positive and a negative side. Thus, the positive opportunity for Poland is to play one of the most important role in the process of conversion of ESDP into an effective security mechanism within the EU and, perhaps, in the region that have a close proximity to the Community. In its turn, the negative tendency is braking process of CFSP and ESDP, focusing mainly only on NATO, and in particular on the United States; the lack of political will of the leaders of Poland to reach agreement with European partners, and insufficient policy of the state when talking about ESDP activity. The today’s challenge is to grand the EU so-called ‘the second pillar’s support’ that can let the Association to be an important figure and make decisions in the world politics. The response to the new challenges and threats is the reforming of the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union in accordance with changes and institutional innovations that have been enshrined in the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe.
Проблема легітимності гуманітарних інтервенцій у сучасних міжнародних відносинах
(Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2015) Здоровега, Мар’яна
З’ясована сутність поняття «гуманітарна інтервенція» та основні підходи її до інтерпретації. Визначено характер суперечностей щодо легітимності застосування гуманітарних втручань у міжнародному праві та на практиці. Проаналізовано особливості застосованих гуманітарних інтервенцій без мандату Ради Безпеки ООН. The problem of Legitimacy of humanitarian intervention in the modern international relations has been clarified in the article. Humanitarian intervention was defined as any kind of foreign intervention into the territory of the state with a use of force aiming to protect the rights of its citizens or foreign citizens when ruling elite of this state has no wish or doesn’t want to do it independently. It has been specified that the basis for intervention outside expect the violation of human rights and citizens in the certain state is usually a civil war. Based on the analysis of the intervention documents the main contradictions concerning the legality of the usage of humanitarian interventions in practice have been defined. The attention has been focused on the contradiction in the international law concerning the permit (article 42 of the UN Charter) and prohibition (article 2) of international humanitarian intervention. The kinds of humanitarian intervention have been distinguished. They are: unilateral humanitarian intervention, collective humanitarian intervention under the aegis of the United Nations ahd humanitarian intervention under the aegis of regional international organizations. The peculiarities of the applied interventions without the mandate of the UN security Council have been examined. The causes of the deligitimation of the practical usage of humanitarian intervention in the international relations have been outlined. They are in the effectiveness of the principles of the interfernce, non-use of the force or the threat of force, peaceful settlement of international disputes, sovereign equality of states, etc.
Новітній пріоритет співпраці України та США: союзні відносини
(Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2015) Дорош, Леся
Розглянуто специфіку, передумови та наслідки надання Україні статусу «основного союзника США поза НАТО». Стверджено, що низькі шанси на отримання Україною плану набуття членства в НАТО остаточно не позбавляють нашу державу можливості налагодження тіснішої та активнішої військової співпраці зі США. Зіставлено переваги та недоліки союзних відносин у такому форматі. Доведена необхідність всебічного вивчення нового етапу розвитку систем колективної безпеки планети та нових векторів відносин України зі США, державами Західної Європи та Росією. The specifics, conditions and consequences of recognizing Ukraine «as the major USA Non-NATO Ally» is considered. It is stated that a little chance of getting by Ukraine a plan to be a member of NATO does not completely deprive our country the possibility of establishing more tight and active military cooperation with the United States of America. The advantages and disadvantages of allied relations in such a format are correlated. It has been found that the possibility for Ukraine to obtain the status of «major Non-NATO Ally» appeared, when there was brought into the draft the law № 2277 «Russian Aggression Prevention Act 2014» that foresaw the strengthening of cooperation within NATO, a new sanction against Russia, an extra help for Eastern Europe and supporting of Russian opposition. Its key point was to give Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia the official status of «major Non-NATO Ally». At the end of 2014, the president of USA B. Obama signed a bill that had been accepted by the US House of Representatives № H.R.5859 «To impose sanctions with respect to the Russian Federation, to provide additional assistance to Ukraine, and for other purpose» in which there was not any information about giving Ukraine status mentioned above, taking into account the fact that it is the prerogative of the administration of US President only. At the same time, the document emphasizes on the military support of Ukraine, including providing with the defensive weaponry and assistance in solving the energy issues. It has been stated about the lack of a single point of view among political and administrative elite of USA about allied status of Ukraine. In January 2015 the official status of Ukraine as a major Non-NATO Ally of the United States of America is not provided, however, it had been guaranteed a broad support for our country, especially in the military and energetics fields.
Політико-комунікативні стратегії і практики взаємодії органів місцевого самоврядування України та Польщі
(Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2015) Гулай, Василь
Використовуючи широкий спектр загальнонаукових і спеціально наукових методів, основна увага звертається на комплексну характеристику явищ політичної комунікації в науково-теоретичному та прикладному аспектах. Доведена необхідність розроблення та впровадження стратегій інформаційно-комунікативної взаємодії органів місцевого самоврядування України і Польщі. The article focuses on the fact that the development of integration processes in Europe demonstrates the increasing influence of the regions on the activation of inter-state and interregional relations in general and that cooperation between different areas is gradually turning into the level of local government in particular. Author examines in details the understanding of the local governments of Ukraine and Poland in comparative terms. In particular, it has been examined the analysis of the main formation and development factors of fraternal cooperation between the Ukrainian and Polish cities. Using a wide range of general and special scientific methods the main focus is put on complex characteristic of phenomena of political communication in scientific-theoretical and political-applied aspects. Thus, the political communication finds its specific applied, including historical and territorial manifestation via the implementation of appropriate communication strategy as plan of optimal implementation of communicative intentions and communication tactics as a combination of techniques that contribute to the usage of appropriate communication tools aimed at implementing the chosen communication strategy. The necessity of developing and implementing of interinstitutional information and interactive communication strategies is proved, especially between the twin cities of Ukraine and Poland. According to the author, an implementation of branding strategies can play a significant role in the formation of an effective space of information and communication cooperation between Ukraine and Poland on a local level. Conclusions and recommendations from this abstract can be used in the process of conceptualizing and reforming of the local government in Ukraine; implementing the policy of the President of Ukraine P. Poroshenko on decentralization and deregulation of national and regional governance in general.
Спецслужби у системі міжнародних відносин
(Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2015) Горбач, Олександр
Зроблено комплексний аналіз функціонування спецслужб у системі міжнародних відносин; досліджено історію їх становлення та розвитку; проаналізовано тенденції розвитку вітчизняних структур розвідувальних органів, їх нормативно-правове забезпечення; виявлено низку проблем, які існують у системі українських латентних структур; обґрунтовано необхідність реформування структур та створення механізмів демократичного контролю за діяльністю спецслужб. Functioning of special services in international relations is comprehensively analyses. The history of formation and development of intelligence services is examined. It has been revealed that even in the times of Antiquity and the Middle Ages monarchs used the so-called informants who supplied the necessary information. In foreign relations the function of obtaining information about the power of a neighboring state belonged to messengers. The trends in domestic structures of intelligence agencies and their regulatory support are analyzed; a number of problems that exist in the system of Ukrainian latent structures are revealed; the necessity of reforming the structures and creating mechanisms of democratic control over intelligence activity is justified. The activities of special services, which carry out intelligence work, largely determine the dynamics of international politics. Besides, the role of the intelligence structures within internal and external orientation is identical. The realities of Ukrainian-Russian relations cause a fundamental reform in the Ukrainian intelligence services at all levels. The experience of Ukrainian politicians in 2010–2014 shows that functioning of special state organs did not meet the requirements of a modern democratic society. The systems of carrying out democratic control may differ. Today there is no single model of democratic control over special services activity, but among all these models functional approach prevails. The process of reforming special services is quite complex and ambiguous because of the specifics of their activity. Further research should be focused on a thorough study of all the aspects of special services functioning and a comparative analysis of the information about special services, which is in the public domain. The study of the leading world special services experience should contribute to the birth of a new security system in Ukraine.
Видова специфіка політичної мобілізації
(Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2015) Ямельницький, Олег
Розглянуто специфіку суспільно-політичної активності громадян за різних політичних режимів (тоталітарного, авторитарного, демократичного), яка досягається за допомогою різноманітних чинників мобілізації. Досліджено політичну мобілізацію у її негативному (авторитарна, вертикальна, примусова) та позитивному (змагальна, горизонтальна, демократична) контекстах. Наголошується на необхідності уникнення спрощеного однобокого трактування політичної мобілізації як однозначно негативної, а сучасну політичну ситуацію необхідно аналізувати крізь призму співіснування вертикальних і горизонтальних проявів мобілізації із зростанням переважання останньої. The paper examines the features of the social and political participation of citizens under different political regimes (totalitarian, authoritarian, democratic) that is achieved by means of various mobilisation factors. The author analyses the political mobilisation in its negative (authoritarian, vertical, forced) and positive (competitive, horizontal, democratic) contexts. He emphasises the necessity to avoid a simplistic one-sided interpretation of the political mobilisation as an unambiguously negative factor. In his view, the current political situation should be analysed in the light of the coexistence of vertical and horizontal mobilisation types with the increasing predominance of the latter one. It is proved that the totalitarian or rigidly authoritarian political regimes are characterised by a large-scale social and political mobilisation (authoritarian) that covers the whole social life system. This type of the mobilisation permeates the entire social life system and serves as a way of suppressing any individuality, autonomy and the person’s initiative. The competitive mobilisation type prevails under the democratic political regime. It involves a conscious citizen participation in social and political affairs enabling them to be free in their choice of political behaviour. The growth of the population percentage choosing an active strategy of being competitively mobilised leads to some structural changes in the political system and causes changes in public, social and political people’s viewpoints through the renunciation of the previous collectivist experience, the paternalistic expectations and the negative mobilisation. On the other hand, the author argues that this mobilisation type can also be a threat to the democratisation process and democratic consolidation.
Референдум як форма прямої демократії: зарубіжний і вітчизняний досвід
(Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2015) Маркітантов, Вадим; Нечитайло, Віталій
Розглядаються сутність і види інституту референдуму, його використання у США, Швейцарії, Франції та інших демократичних країнах, а також у сучасній Україні. The article dwells upon the nature and kinds of referendums and their conduct in the USA, Switzerland, France, other democratic states and also in modern Ukraine. In the scientific literature, the term «referendum» (from Latin referendum – something to be proclaimed) is understood as a way of the adoption of laws or decision-making concerning the main issues of social life through the direct expression of the citizens’ will in the national popular vote. The author defines the difference between a referendum and elections that lies in the object of the will expression which is represented by bills, domestic and foreign policy issues of the state, etc. Particular attention is paid to the fact that in democratic states referendums are considered to be the basis of the political system and one of the main forms of the popular sovereignty realisation. Modern democratic states use the following kinds of referendums: advisory referendums, binding referendums, non-binding referendums and referendumpetitions. Ukrainian researchers distinguish two types of referendums: imperative and consultative. Decisions of the first type referendums possess more legal power in comparison with other laws and regulations of the public and local authorities. Referendum decisions of the second type are advisory and they are taken into account while making decisions by the relevant state bodies. Referendums in Ukraine are held in accordance with the Constitution of Ukraine. Among the subjects of the Ukrainian nationwide referendums the authors name the ratification of the Constitution of Ukraine, its provisions or amendments, the adoption, amendment or repeal of the laws of Ukraine or their provisions, decision-making which determines the main contents of the Constitution of Ukraine, laws and other legal acts.
Система стримувань і противаг як атрибут демократії: порівняльний аналіз особливостей функціонування у різних формах правління
(Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2015) Забавська, Христина; Бучин, Микола
Розглядається система стримувань і противаг як атрибут демократії. На основі розробленої формули обчислюється коефіцієнт дисбалансу повноважень між гілками влади на прикладі США, Німеччини, Франції, Польщі та України, які репрезентують основні форми правління сучасності. The article considers the system of checks and balances as an attribute of democracy. The calculation formula of coefficient of disbalance of powers (CD), which enables to determine the level of efficiency of checks and balances mechanism is developed. The coefficient shows the balance / disbalance of powers between the branches of government. The components of the formula are the coefficients of powers of each branch of government: LP – coefficient of powers of legislative branch; EP – coefficient of powers of executive branch (including the institute of head of state and government); JP – coefficient of powers of judicial branch. The maximum value of the coefficients of powers of each branch can be equal to 100, and the minimum is 0. With all three coefficients of powers (LP, EP, JP), due to the operation of subtraction possible disbalances of powers can be calculated: 1) LP – EP = | x |; 2) LP – JP = | y |; 3) EP – JP = | z |. The sum of all three values (| x |, | y |, | z |) is a required CD. For more objective and applied research value the indicator of democracy level in a particular country is used: the resulting value of CD is divided by Democracy Index «The Economist Intelligence Unit» (CD ÷ ID). On the basis of the developed formula the coefficient of disbalance of powers is calculated using the example of the United States, Germany, France, Poland and Ukraine, which represent the main modern forms of government. Having compared the system of checks and balances in these countries, we obtained the following results: USA – 8,6; Germany – 6,7; France – 8,9; Poland – 9,8. For Ukraine by the Constitution of 1996 CD = 6,8, which shows the average balance of powers. According to the Constitution of 2004 CD = 5,07. Taking into account these results, it becomes clear that a parliamentary-presidential republic is more optimal for Ukraine.
Політична міфотворчість як технологія впливу на суспільну свідомість
(Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2015) Денисюк, Світлана
Проаналізована сутність політичних міфів, їх структура та функції. Охарактеризовано особливості міфологічної свідомості як живильної основи для впровадження технологічних міфів. Визначено політичну міфотворчість як ефективну технологію, яку використовують сучасні українські політики для отримання влади і яка виконує деструктивну роль. The article analyzes the essence of political myths. They are considered to be a simplified model of the political sphere perception that does not involve a critical understanding of reality. The author describes the structural components of political myths (value, cognitive, social, emotional and evaluative and symbolic) and their basic functions. The peculiarities of mythological consciousness are characterised as a field for technological myths introduction . The author defines the modern political myths in Ukrainian society, they are «the image of the hero», «enemy image», «moral politician», «European integration», «NATO membership», «freedom of speech», «Eastern Slavic fraternal peoples». The political myth making is analyzed as an effective technology used by political leaders for achieving power. The influence of political myths is connected with the well developed citizen`s mythological consciousness, that is why myths are so popular among political leaders in Ukraine. In fact, modern political myths simplify reality and play on the emotions of citizens, deceiving them, backing off the development of rational thinking. There are some technologies of the creation and updating of myths which are used in Ukrainian society in particular. They include repetition of positive events in Ukraine; creating an illusory reality; manipulation features of national character, mentality and they are used when the politician needs it. In the process of constructing myths game on contrasts, antagonisms are used. The main idea is that political myth-making helps the power create neccessary pattern for citizens` behavior, socio-political climate, improve planned stereotypes of consciousness, attitudes, values (justice, statism, paternalistic attitudes). The author emphasises that myths serve as an additional tool to legitimize power, creating the illusion of citizens involvement in the political process and openness to dialogue between the power and public.
Особливості дотримання демократичних принципів виборів під час позачергових президентських та парламентських виборів 2014 р. в Україні
(Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2015) Бучин, Микола
На основі аналізу звітів міжнародних та вітчизняних спостерігачів досліджуються основні проблеми та особливості позачергових президентських та парламентських виборів 2014 р. в Україні. З’ясовано рівень дотримання демократичних принципів виборів у вітчизняній електоральній практиці 2014 р. The article dwells upon main problems and characteristics of special presidential and parliamentary elections in Ukraine in 2014. The research is based on the reports of international and national observers. The main attention is paid to the following problems of national electoral practice in 2014: holding the election on the whole territory of Ukraine; compiling registry of voters; formation and activity of election commissions; nomination and registration of electoral subjects; pre-election campaigning; election transparency; problems during the voting process and vote counting. The emphasis is put on the fact that, despite tough conditions, the elections were an important step in an attempt of Ukrainian authorities to conduct elections in compliance with international democratic standards and ensure implementation of fundamental human rights and freedoms. Growth of adherence to democratic principles was enabled by different factors, among which the following ones are worth mentioning: substitution of political elite; the campaign towards reformation and democratization of political system; social and political situation in the country; growth of political consciousness and culture of the citizens as a result of the Revolution of Dignity. At the same time, the article highlights that certain problems and violations demand taking into account proposals of international and national experts which are directed towards democratization of electoral practices. The main attention should be paid to adaptation of electoral legislation and electoral practices to the reality of military conflict in the East of Ukraine and security issues for participants of the election process; increasing of election transparency; providing professional and efficient work of election commissions; adoption of the Electoral Code, etc.
Специфіка концептуалізації поняття «глобальна політика»
(Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2015) Тишкун, Юрій
Стверджується про поширеність терміна «глобальна політика» за відсутності його чіткого визначення. Зроблено спробу його окреслити за допомогою праць Е. Хейвуда, Н. Косолапова і Дж. Модельскі. Вказано, що поняття позначає боротьбу за владу у межах планети, її використання для реалізації курсу глобального управління і функціонування політичної системи Землі. The analysis of the term «global policy» is based on the interpretations of its component parts, namely «globality» and «policy», made by E. Haywood and N. Kosolapov. The author understands the term «global policy» as a combination of the struggle for power on the planet, the implementation of the particular policy, aimed at solving global problems and the existence of the political community of global importance. The global policy level is the highest from the geographical and functional viewpoints. It involves the following hierarchical levels: the level of the Earth’s regions, the level of some «civilisations» («worlds») as well as the level of international, national, state and local regions. According to N. Kosolapov, these hierarchical levels differ in the content, scope and importance of problems solved at these levels and their decision consequences. Economic factors promote the interdependence of individuals, countries and the Earth’s regions and require the development of global governance. In order to understand the phenomenon of global politics, E. Haywood distinguishes the following significant problems: the problem of continuity in global politics, conquests, retention and implementation of global power, ensuring global security and justice. The continuity in global politics depends on the evolution that promotes the complication of the global political system. Large countries are eager to possess global power striving for hegemony. Nowadays they share the global power with numerous non-state actors. The state, being the winner in the struggle for hegemony, implements a certain global policy while providing the humanity with some social benefits which include global security and the equitable distribution of resources among different population groups.
Проблема громадсько-політичної активності жінок у вітчизняній науковій думці
(Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2015) Олійник, Наталія
Розглянуто стан наукової розробки проблеми громадсько-політичної активності жінок в Україні. Проаналізовано та систематизовано дослідження вітчизняних науковців для формування теоретико-методологічних засад створення цілісної картини участі жінок у політичному та громадському житті України, що може розглядатися як орієнтир для подальших наукових досліджень. The article is dedicated to the study of the women’s public and political activity in Ukraine. The author analyses the works of the Ukrainian scientists according to the periods (pre-Soviet, Soviet, modern), the scholars’ place of living (Ukrainian, diaspora) and the sphere of the investigated problems (the women’s financial position and education, the women’s liberation movement, the women’s political representation). Historical and comparative methods are the main methods used in the research paper. The author finds out that researchers of all periods dedicated their scientific works to the problem of legal, social and economic status of Ukrainian women. Some works deal with the female entrepreneurship that is a new phenomenon in Ukraine’s economy. A considerable number of publications describe the history of the women’s liberation movement in Ukraine and its peculiarities. The women’s participation in political life of Ukraine is discussed from different viewpoints. Gender studies appeared in the mid-1990s. In the author’s opinion, the problem of public and political participation of Ukrainian women is not completely investigated and requires further comprehensive research.

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